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Hakluytus Posthumus 

Purchas His Pilgrimes 

In Twenty Volumes 

Volume XII 












-■ /0/^--v^ .^■. i>"'" 

Hakluytus Posthumus 


Purchas His Pilgrimes 

Contayning a History of the World 

in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells 

by Englishmen and others 




James MacLehose and Sons 

Publishers to the Universit)' 




The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in 
the second Booke of the Second part of 
Purchas his Pilgrims. 

CHAP. I,— Continued. 

§ 4. The voyage of Master Anthony Jenkinson, made from 
the Citie of Mosco in Russia, to the Citie of Boghar 
in Bactria, in the yeere 1558. written by himselfe to 
the Merchants of London, of the Moscovie Companie. i 

River Mosco. Cazan. Merchants Hand. River Cama. 
Vachen Hords. River Samar. Licoris plentie. 
Sturgeon. Miserable Famine. Caspian Sea, Astracan, 
Hill Accurgar, Tartarian Prophet. River Jaic. Azi 
an holy Tartar. Manguslave Port. Great Wilder- 
nesse, Scarsitie of water, base living. Gulfe. Urgence. 
Vicious living. Huge Sheepe. Rovers and theeves. 
Divining sorcerie. Battell with Theeves. Guns very 
profitable. River Oxus. Sandie wildernesse. Strange 
Worme. Coyne. Tartarian usage. Kingly justice. 
Merchandises and Commodities. Land-tempests in 
Tartaria, and Sea-tempests in the Caspian. Caspian 
Sea described. Ill trade in those parts. Cathay 

§ 5. Advertisements and reports of the sixt voyage into the 
parts of Persia and Media, gathered out of sundrie 
Letters written by Christopher Borough ; and more 
especially a voyage over the Caspian Sea, and their 
shipwracke and miseries there endured by the Ice. . 32 




The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pack 

The sixth Voyage into Persia and Media, by the English. 
A great frost from November to Easter in Russia. 
The Bashaes entertainment of the English at Derbent. 
English received into Derbent. Zere Hand. Ship- 
wracke. Two huge Walls built by Alexander the 
Great. Nezavoo. An English ship cut in pieces 
with Ice. 

A Letter of Master Henrie Lane, to the worshipfiill Master 
William Sanderson, contayning a briefe discourse of 
that which passed in the North-east discoverie, for 
the space of three and thirtie yeeres. ... 49 

A Letter of Master Lanes to his friend in England. A 
disastrous Voyage. Muscovie Trade unfortunate. 
Numbers mistaken. Cards deceiving. Authors triall. 


Observations of China, Tartaria, and other Easteme parts 
of the World, taken out of Fernam Mendez Pinto 
his Peregrination 59 

§ I. Mendez his many miserable adventures, his strange 
Expedition with Antonio de Faria ; divers Coasts 
visited, Pirats tamed, miseries suffered, glorie recovered. 59 

Pintos excuse. His first Travels. Martyr of Mahomet. 
Pintos change-chance, taken, sold, taking. Farias 
fortunes. Birds dispeople a Kingdome. Chiammay. 
Ainam story. Faria tamer of Pirates. Piraticall 
villanies rewarded. Faria by Sea-fortune a King, 
Begger, Lord, holy, ho-ly-Theefe. Rovers Robbery, 
and punishment. China plentie of provision. 

§ z, Antonio Faria his taking of Nouda a Citie in China, 
triumph at Liampoo ; strange voyage to Calempluy, 
miserable shipwrack. . . . . . . 75 

China Seas perillous men proud or base, with full and 
change. China Citie sacked by Faria. Portugall Citie 
in Liampoo. Farias Glorious triumph, and rash 
adventure for Calempluy. Giants : their apparell 
and rudenesse. Late deare repentance. Calempluy 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 

described. Jesus dishonoured by hypocriticall Chris- 
tians. The Foxe preacheth, prayeth, preyeth, payeth 
for all at last. 

§ 3. Their shipwrack in which Faria and most of them 
were drowned ; the miserable wandrings of the rest 
to Nanquin : their imprisonment, sentence and appeale 
to Pequin ; rarities observed in those pbces and wayes; 
of the beginnings of the China Kingdome, and of 
their admirable Wall 90 

China Hospitals and Prisons entertaynment to wracked 
Portugals. WonderfiiU Lake. Nanquin more then 
wonderfull. Palace. Admirable Chappell. Serpent- 
sutue. Gods of fire, tempests. Sea-fish. Monstrous 
holies. Smoking flaxe not quenched. China Legend. 
First stories of Nations usually fabulous. China wall 

§ 4. Mindo Salt pits : Mines of Coretumbaga, Copper- 
workes ; Idolatrie and Christianitie ; China Trades, 
and River Faires ; their comming to Pequin, triall 
and sentence. Rarities of Pequin. . . . .105 

Land pits with Sea-motions. Cyclopes. Pluto. God- 
generation. Earthquake. China trades and belly- 
provisions. Strange Water-faire or moveable River- 
Citie. River-riches. High-wayes. Theatricall Court ; 
Justice & Mercy. Pequin the Worlds wonder. 

§ 5. Foure buildings incredibly admirable in Pequin, and 
divers of their superstitions : their Hospitals and pro- 
visions for the Poore. The Kings revenues and 
Court ; their Sects. 117 

Prison larger then any Citie in Christendome : Pequin 
rarities. Serpents head broken shadowed. Q. of 
Heaven, Porters of Hell. Whole-lie holies. Q. of 
heaven and her Chamberlions, Idols, &c. Provisions 
for all sorts of Impotent; against dearth. Kings 
Court. China Sects. 

§ 6. Their remoove to Quansie, quarrels, miseries ; Tar- 
tarian huge Armie, and losse at the siege of Pequim, 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 

reported. Quansie taken, and Nixianco : Mendez his 
exploit. Their entertainment by the Tartar King, 
and going to Cauchin-china with his Embassadours, 
with many Tartarian observations. . . . . 128 

Goatswooll-quarrell. Peacebreake-paritie. Calvo. Nauticor 
takcth Quansy. Portugals Prisoners and Conquerors. 
Tartar Campe and State; King described, his dis- 
course. Tartars forsake Pequin. Incredible losse. 
Eastern Princes Ambassages. Tartars Pope, Monks, 
Nuns, Resurrection, Idols, Huge Lake. 


Spanish plantation of the Philippinas, and what entercourse 

hath thence hapned betwixe them and the Chinois. 142 

§ I. First discoverie of the Philippinas: written by Friar 

Juan Gonzales de Mendoza .142 

Magilianes discoverie of the Philippinas. Spanish plan- 
tation there. Ancient Rites of the Philippinas. Their 
hatred to the Spaniards. God rejected for malice to 
men. Commodities there. 

§2. First plantation of the Philippinas, by Michael Lopez 

de Legaspi. . . . . . . .149 

Theeves Hands. Bloudy leagues. Vicious, Suspicious. 
Portugal spite to Spaniards. First Bishop and Friers 
in Manilla. 

§ 3. Of Limahon a China Robber and Rover, by whose 

occasion the Spaniards sent into China. . . . 154 

Many Chinois Pyrats, why. Theeves rob theeves. Spaniards 
invaded by 95. saile of Pyrats. Limahon invadeth, 
burneth the Citie, repulsed : his spoiles. Limahon 
besieged, his escape. Omoncon his commission. 
Omoncon his promise. Token of gratitude. Spanish 
bountie. China Compasses, insufficiency of Mariners. 
Idolatrous worshiping. 

§ 4. Friar Martin de Herrada, and other Spaniards enter- 
tainment in China, and their returne to the Philippinas. 1 69 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pagb 

China customes in comming ashoare, and festivall enter- 
taynment. Sea-Captaynes State in visiting. Chayres 
to carrie men. China courtesie. Women, Banquetting 
houses. Bridges, Husbandrie. Pastures, High-wayes : 
Chincheo described, Bridge, Navie. Kings Armes. 
State of Magistrates; goodly street and Palace. 
Insuanto stately ; Omoncon and Sinsay vaine glorious. 
Spaniards feasted. Comedies and sports. Musicke. 
Chaire. Megoa spoyled by Japanders. Admirable 
stone Bridge. Suburbs of Aucheo described. Master 
of Ceremonies State. Span, and Chinois disagree. 
Reports of great China Cities. China Feast begun 
with Sunne-superstition. Tumblers. Play. Three 
headed Image. Vice-royes jealousie. Subjection. 
Chinois suspitious. Omoncon and Sinsay lyers. New- 
moone Musters. Souldiers punished. Superstition. 
Presents for the Spaniards. China superstition at 
the Friers parting. Oxe sacrificed. Farewell-feast. 
Hands on the Coast. Port Tansuso. Hand Ancon. 
Straight or Gulfe. Tempest. Divinations. 

Two Letters taken out of Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola 
his Treatise, called Conquista de las Islas Malucas, 
printed at Madrid, 1609. pag. 336, 337. mentioning 
the comming of two English ships to China : which 
seeme to be two ships of the fleet of Benjamin Wood : 
The former written by the Visitor of Chincheo in 
China, unto the Governour of the Philippinas, Don 
Pedro de Acunna. H. P 218 

English ships in China. Chinois selfe-conceit. 

The Answere of Don Pedro de Acunna, Governour of the 

Philippinas, to the Visitor of Chincheo in China. . 220 

China pride. Spanish Silver. English Ships. 

CHAP. iin. 

The report of a Mahometan Merchant, which had beene 
in Cambalu : and the troublesome travell of Benedictus 
Goes, a Portugall Jesuite, from Labor to China by 
land, thorow the Tartars Countries. . . . 222 



The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 

Cathay taken to be Christian for Pope-like Holies. Tartars 
unquiet. Ill wayes. Ciarchan. Catay-Caravan. 
Jasper. Cotan Marble. Saracens insolence. Acsu 
in Cascar. China, Cathay ; and Pequin, Cambalu. 
Wall and Garrisons against Tartars. 72. false Legats, 
very Merchants. Death of Goez, suit for his goods. 
Tartars terrified with Porke. 


A generall collection and historicall representation of the 
Jesuites entrance into Japon and China, untill their 
admission in the Royall Citie of Nanquin. . . 239 

§ I. Of Francis Xavier, Melchior Nunnes, Valignanus, 

Ruggerius and Pasius. . . . . . .239 

Jesuites glorying of Conversions : their Proselites examined. 
Saint Xavier. Devill consulted and worshipped by 
Chinois. Xaviers zeale. Portugals trade with Chinois. 
Amacao. Nunez. Ruggerius leameth the China 
Court-tongue. Fraternitie. Gifts usher the Jesuites 
to China. Ruggerius and Pasius. 

§ 2. Japonian Embassage to the Pope ; Of Nabunanga 
and Quabacondono their government ; Corai invaded. 
Embassage from China, Taicosamas Temple, and 
Ogoshosamas succession. . . . . . .254 

Japonian Embassage to the Pope, received in the Con- 
sistorie. Romish boasts : Papall favors. Nabunanga, 
Quabacondono. Many many Temples. King of 
Titles : Titles of the King. Devils subtiltie. Jesuites 
banished. Japonian workmanship. Prodigious build- 
ings, raines. Earthquakes. Letter and Crowne. Taicos 
inhumanitie, death, deity. 

§ 3. Ruggerius enters againe into China with Ricius, and 
is forced backe to Amacao ; thence sent for againe 
by the Vice-roy. Sande and Almeida are sent to 
them, and enter the Countrey as farre as Cequion, 
and returne to Sciauchin. ..... 269 

New entrance into China. Temple and Statue erected 
to Governours. Jesuites house and Images. Their 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pack 

Honor, jealousie, calumnie, Mathematicks. China 
ignorance. Portugals jealous of Spaniards. Jesuites 
change names. Great thorow-fare, Commodious 
Rivers, frequent Cities. Ciquion like Venice. 

§ 4. False brethren and others accusations detected, they 
are expelled Sciauchin : erect a Seat at Xauceum. 
Monasterie of Nanhoa and other things of note in 
those parts. They alter their habit ; Voyage to 
Nanquin ; the Lake, Rivers, Idols and other rarities. 283. 

Vutan holy place : faint friend ; false brother. Dieth of 
whipping. Strange Honours. Jesuites service. Lusu 
mad-holy, Priests fained, people milde, others politicke. 
Chiutaisos Scholership. China feasting. Queenes 
pardoner. Bonzi infamous. Alteration of habite. 
Lying vanities. Nancian and Nanquin. Hujunsins 
Tale and Temple. Liu-Hill. 

§ 5. Nanquin described ; Ricius expelled thence, he setleth 
at Nancian, thence goeth to Nanquin againe, and 
to Pequin ; description of it, the way thither, the 
Kings Palace, and of Suceu, and Hamceu. . . 298 

Nanquins glories ; huge Walls, Palace, Circuit, Suburbs, &c. 
Ricius his Booke of Friendship. Princes of the Bloud 
Royall. Changing of Names. Lover of Geographie, 
Yellow River. Way to Pequin by River, Carriages, 
Costs, Townes, Locks, &c. Description of Pequin, 
or Cambalu, Cathay. Vailes, Mules. Frozen Rivers. 
Suceu wonders. One wheeled Coach. 

§ 6. Letters from Father Longobard and Taiso. Ricius his 
entertainment at Nanquin and residence there. The 
Chinois unlearned learning. . . . . ,314 

Chineses Letter. Their Monasteries, Charitie, Schooles, 
Studies. Long Sabbaths. China Precepts. Fire- 
workes. Learning. Bonzi-dreames. Bad Mathema- 
ticians. Quocum Nobles. Eunuchs ambition. Age- 
apes. Wild Musike. Admirable Temple. Riccis 
habit, dispute with Sanhoi. Fond opinions. Eunuchs 
insolence. Ricius named Sithai. Mathans mischiefes. 
Ship, boasts. Feast. 



The Contents of the Chapters — Continued, page 


A Letter of Father Diego de Pantoia, one of the Companie 
of Jesusy to Father Luys de Guzman, Provinciall in 
the Province of Toledo : written in Paquin, which 
is the Court of the King of China, the ninth of 
March, the yeere 1602. H.P 331 

§ I . Difficulties of entring China, their dwelling at Nanquin, 
going from thence to Paquin, with Presents for the 
King, troubles in the way by an Eunuch. . . 331 

Jesuits by Present make way for Presents and Presence. 
Huge Garrison. Mandarins Houses. Devils disturbe 
not Jesuits. Jesuits Presents for the King of China. 
River and Ships. Mathan the Eunuchs pompe, his 
base minde. Tempting gemmes. Silence of deniall. 
Pompous Barge. Paintings. Petitioning. Covetous- 
nesse injurious. Images, Crosse, Chalice. Suspicion. 

§ 2. The King sends for them, is delighted with their 
Clocks and Pictures; they are shut up, after take 
a House, are admired for learning; Christianitie of 
China. ......... 348 

Clockes and Pictures admired. King of China his Questions. 
Pictures. Chinois ill Picturers. Kings closenesse. 
Jesuites request. Jesuites shut up : hire a House. 
Chinois ignorant arrogance. Hopes and lets of Con- 
verting the Chinois to Christ. Great hopes of 
Conversion. Desire of Learning. 

§ 3. The description of the Kingdome of China ; of Catay 
and Musk ; the division into Provinces ; Cities and 
Townes described. Rivers, Shipping, Commodities, 
Diet, and feeding 360 

Description of China. Errours of our Maps and Conceits 
of China. Intelligence from Tartarian Merchants. 
China populous. Huge Citie, Three walls. Com- 
modious Rivers. Fertilitie. Strange fishing. BeautifuU 
Barges. Path-way of ships. China merchandise, 
cheape food, huge Plaines, spare diet. China dyet, 
stickes, hot drinke, Oile. 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 

§ 4. Their moneyes, apparell, persons, trades, wealth, learn- 
ing, marriages, superstitions, rites, and opinions. . 374 

Money, habit. The Persons, Trades, Riches, Nobilitie, 
Marriage, Heires. Respect of Parents. Funerall Rites. 
Fond Superstitions. Hell portraied. Lots, Divina- 
tions; Long life, Alchimie. 

§ 5. Their bad Souldierie and Artillerie ; Degrees, privi- 
ledges, honours and promotions of learning. Their 
Authors and Bookes, and Printing. The Mandarins 
commended. ........ 383 

Militarie exercise, no Ordnance, Conquest ; Studious, Print- 
ing. Magnanimous Mandarins. The Kings unwilling 

§ 6. Of the government of China : Of the Mandarins ; 

the China complements and manifold nicities. . 389 

The Vices, Order, Power, Terrour, China Magistrates. 
Visitors, punishments, Apish humanitie, or tedious salu- 
tations. Presents, Invitations, Feasts, Complimentall 
vanitie. Papacie applauded : hypocriticall Excuses. 

§ 7. Of their Women : Of the Tartars Conquest, acts and 
expulsion. The greatnesse of the King, and neigh- 
bouring States. Of the Queenes Eunuchs. . . 399 

China Women. China policie to prevent Rebellions. 
Revenue and Expences. State-contentednesse. The 
Queene and Concubines. Eunuchs. Law of Nations 
contemned. A Royall Palace. Fire from Heaven. 
King a home Prisoner. His Children of little 


A discourse of the Kingdome of China, taken out of Ricius 
and Trigautius, containing the countrey, people, 
government, religion, rites, sects, characters, studies, 
arts, acts ; and a Map of China added, drawne out 
of one there made with Annotations for the under- 
standing thereof. . . . . . . .411 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pag 

§ I. Of the name, scite, and greatnesse; the Tributaries, 
commoditie, arts, printing, seales, inke, pencill-pennes 
and fannes. . . . . . . . •41 

Variety of China names. Greatnesse of the King and 
Kingdome. Provinces, Regions, Cheu, Hien, numbers, 
Souldiers, &c. China Porcelane, Buildings, Chia, 
Varnish, Fire-workes, &c. China Printing, Painting, 
Musike, Comedies, Seales, Fannes. 

§ 2. Of their Characters and writing downeward : their 
studies, Ethikes, Astrologie, Physike, authentike 
Authors, Degrees how taken both Philosophicall 
and Militarie. 42 

Characters effects. Court Tongue. Confutius. China 
Arts. Astrologie, Eclipses, Physicians ; Confutius and 
his three degrees. Licentiates Examination and 
Degree. Doctors; Elder Brother. Degrees tdm 
Marti, quim Mercurio. 

§ 3. Of the Tartarian conquest ; Of Humuu the Estab- 
lisher of the present government The Revenues. 
Magistrates in the Courts Royall, Provinces, Cities, 
Orders, Exaltations, Visitations, Deprivations. . . 43 

Royaltie and Nobilitie. Humvus Lawes. Kings Revenues. 
Six Courts and Colai, Choli, Zauli. Hanlin College. 
Yunlo removes the Court. Symmetry of Magistrates. 
Nine Orders ; distinguished ; goodly Order. Scveritie. 
Bribes. Strangers. 

§4. Their manifold rites in Salutations, Entertainments, 
and other civilitie : to the King and Magistrates : Of 
Burials and Marriages, Birth-dayes ; their Men, Women, 
Names and Games, Habites. ..... 44 

True Valour Courtesies. Hot drinkes. Bifields Bladder- 
stone. Banquet-rites. Drinke and drinking. Royall 
rites, colour, Armes. Titles, Honours for vertue. 
Rites for the dead. Marriages. Wives, portion, feast- 
dayes, men and women, habite; Names. Seales, 
Seats, Ships, Masters, Games, Theeves. 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 

§ 5. Of their Superstitions, Cruelties, feares of Magistrates, 
of the Kings kindred, of Strangers and Souldiers. 
Their Deities and three Sects : Priests, Nunnes, 
Monasteries, Legends, Lyes 453 

Dayes, Diviners. Geologie, Sooth-saying, unnatural! Parents, 
selfc-killers, ill Arts, Gods. Confutian Temples, 
Opinions, Rites. Siequia from India. Millions of 
Shavelings; Idols, Nunnes. Lauzu Sect. Leu and 
Ciam. Sects multiplied, omnified, nullified. 

§ 6. Of strangers, and forraine Religions in China. . 464 

Strangenesse to strangers. Christians, Saracens, and Jewes 
in China ; how distinguished. Christianity presenting 
gifts, representing Ethnikes. 

§ 7. The Map of China, taken out of a China Map, printed 
with China Characters; illustrated with Notes, for 
the understanding thereof. 470 

China Map explained by Pantoia and M. Candish. China 
Map explained. Characters difHcultie; Pictures. 
Quian or Jansuchian. Cara Catay. 


A continuation of the Jesuites Acts and observations in 
China till Ricius his death and some yeers after. Of 
Hanceu or Quinsay. An Extract of MonEirts travelL 479 

Acts and observations in China. Elephants, Watch, 
Rites, &c. Horrible Hoaquan. Fasts and Processions. 
Hell-pasport. Jesuite slaine. Riccis death. Pantoias 
Petition to the King. Ticams Chappell. Hell and 
Devills in the Jesuites House described. Hamceu, 
faire street, triumphall Arches, Rivers, Ponds. Macao. 
Wood Calamba. Huge Serpents. Wilde Beasts. 
Merchandises, Cloath of Gold, Cabinets, Vessels, 
Massie Gold, Silkes. 




The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in 
the third Booke of the second part of 
Purchas his Pilgrims. 


A Treatise of Russia and the adjoyning Regions, written 
by Doctor Giles Fletcher, Lord Ambassadour from 
the late Queene, Ever-glorious Elisuibeth, to Theodore 
then Emperour of Russia, A. D. 1588. . . . 499 

Russian Shires, Conquests, Largenesse, Soyle, Seasons. 
Cold and heat extreame; Rivers of Russia; Fruits. 
Commodities and Merchandise of Russia. The Com- 
modities of the Countrey of Russia. Changeable 
Hares and Squirrels. Hawkes, Eagles; Fish plenty. 
Treacherie of bondslaves. Jaruslave. Russe building. 
Race of the Russe Emperours. Manner of their 
Coronation. Inauguration of the Emperour of 
Russia. Their Government Sovereigntie, Jurisdic- 
tion, Appeales ; States of Parliaments. Parliament 
forme and matter. Nobilitie of little or no abilitie. 
En quo discordia cives Perduxit miseros ! Degrees 
of Nobilitie. Title Vich. Gentilitie, Merchants, 
Artificers. Secretaries, Officers, Commissioners or 
Presidents of Shires. Government of Mosko. The 
Emperours Counsell. Counsell of State. Customes, 
Revenues; Offices of Receit; Office of Chetfird. 
Rents, Customes, great Income, Amercements. Souldiers 
fee. Treasury, Revenue, Rent-furres; Mysteries of 
mischiefe. Oppression, Tyranny ; strange devices to 
get money. Servile estate of the Russian Commonaltie. 
Three rich Merchants. Russes no travellers ; Emperours 
jealousie. Courts of Justice. Ending of controversies. 
Lot judgement Shin-beating. Executions ; no written 
Law; Emperours Guard, Pensioners. Russe Horse- 
men, Footmen, Mercenaries, Captaines, Leaders. 
Russes mustering, forces. Armour, provision, march- 
ing, &c. Manner of Russe fights. Walking Castle. 
Reward for valour. Lituania. Narve. Mosko fired. 
Lamentable slaughter. Emperour of Russe his homage. 
Tartars Conquest ; manner of Fight. Miserable Cap- 
tivitie, Tartar Religion, Idols, Sorcerie, Marriage. 
Moveable Citie. Divers kindes of Charters, Cruell, 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. 

Civill. Tartar Rules. Permians. Samoits Religion. 
Golden Hag. Witches. Church governmenL Patriarch, 
Archbishops, Bishops. Translation of the Patriarchall 
Sea to Mosko. Patriarchs Jurisdiction ; Metropolites, 
Gentlemen Commissaries. Election of Bishops, order- 
ing of Priests, Deacons, Clerkes. Priests maintenance, 
Anniversarie Offerings, their attyre. Friers unlearned 
Learning, unholy holy men. Lame Miracle. Russe 
Church-service, Lyturgie, Legend, Compline, &c. 
Baptisme, Rebaptising ; Cutting off haire. Proselytes, 
Converts. Confession, Communion ; Scripture rejected, 
Traditions preferred. Russe opinions of Salvation and 
Damnation. Abstinence. Marriage. Ceremonies of 
Marriage, Contracts, Indowments, Ring, Dowrie. 
Crosse Devotion ; Hallowing of Rivers ; Holy-water 
drinke. Superstitious superstition. Fasts, Lents, 
Vigils, Burialls. Emperours private and publike 
Prayers : his service at Table. Of the Emperour of 
Russes OfHcers, &c. Russian drinking, bathing, 
extremes ; womens painting ; Attire. Russian exter- 
nall habits, capacitie and habituated qualities. 



Hondius His Map of Tartaria, , . .16 

Hondius His Map of China, . . .360 

Purchas His Map of China, .... 480 



Purchas His Pilgrimes 

Contayning Further Peregrinations and Discoveries 

in the North and East Parts of Asia, called Tar- 

taria and China; with a general collection 

and historicall representation of the 

Jesuites entrance into Japan and 

China, and a Treatise of Russia 

by Doctor Giles Fletcher, 

Lord Ambassadour 

from the late 


§. nil. 

The Voyage of Master Anthonie Jenkinson, made 
from the Citie of Mosco in Russia, to the 
Citie of Boghar in Bactria, in the yeare 1558. 
written by himselfe to the Merchants of 
London, of the Moscovie Company. 

B9He three and twentieth day of Aprill, in the yeare Mosco w 55. 
flw 1558. (having obtayned the Emperour of Russia degrees^ 10 
"" his Letters, directed unto sundry Kings and «»^*»«^^- 
Princes, by whose Dominions I should passe) departed 
from Mosco by water, having with mee two of your 
Servants ; namely Richard Johnson, and Robert Johnson, 
and a Tartar Tolmach, with divers parcels of Wares, 
as by the Inventorie appeareth : and the eight and 
twentieth day wee came to a Towne, called CoUom, 
distant from the Mosco twentie leagues, and passing 
one league beyond the said CoUom, we came unto a 
River, called Occa, into the which the River Mosco falleth, Occa. 
and loseth his name: and passing downe the said River 
Occa eight leagues, wee came unto a Castle called 
Tcrrevettisko, which we left upon our right hand, and 
proceeding forward, the second day of May, wee came 
unto another Castle, called Peroslave, distant eight leagues, 
leaving it also on our right hand. The third day we 
came unto the place where old Rezan was situate, being Rezan, 
now most of it ruined and over-growne, and distant 
from the said Peroslave, sixe leagues : the fourth day 
we passed by a Castle, called Terrecovia, from Rezan 
twelve leagues, and the sixt day we came to another 






Honey ami 

Casde, called Cassim, under the government of a Tartar 
Prince, named Utzar Zegoline, sometime Emperour of 
the worthy Citie of Cazan, and now subject unto the 
Emperour of Russia. But leaving Cassim on our left 
hand, the eight day we came unto a faire Townc 
called Morom, from Cassim twentie leagues, where wee 
tooke the Sunne, and found the latitude fifde sixc 
degrees : and proceeding forward the eleventh day, wee 
came unto another faire Towne and Castle, called Nyse 
Novogrod, situated at the falling of the foresaid River 
Occa, into the worthy River of Volga, distant from 
the said Moron five and twentie leagues, in the latitude 
of fiftie sixe degrees eighteene minutes. From Rezan 
to this Nyse Novogrod, on both sides the said River 
of Occa, is raysed the greatest store of Waxe and Honey 
in all the Land of Russia. We tarryed at the foresaid 
Nyse Novogrod untill the nineteenth day, for die 
comming of a Captaine which was sent by the Emperour 
to rule at Astracan, who being arrived, and having the 
number of five hundred great Boates under his conduct, 
some laden with Victuals, Souldiers, and Munition: 
and other some with Merchandize, departed altogether 
the said nineteenth day from the said Nyse Novogrod, 
and the two and twentieth wee came unto a Castle, 
called Vasiliagorod, distant five and twentie leagues, 
which wee left upon our right hand. This Towne or 
Castle, had his name of this Emperours Father, who 
was called Vasilius, and Gorod in the Russe Tongue 
Fasiliagsrod. is as much to say, as a Castle, so that Vasiliagorod is 
to say, Vasilius Castle: and it was the furthest {dace 
that the said Emperour conquered from the Tartars. 
But this present Emperour his Sonne, called Ivan 
Vasiliwich, hath had great good successe in his Warres, 
both against the Christians, and also the Mahometists, 
and Gentiles, but especially against the Tartars, inlarginff 
his Empire even to the Caspian Sea, having conquered 
the famous River of Volga, with all the Countreyes there- 
about adjacent. Thus proceeding on our journey, the 



five and twentieth day of May afore-said we came to [III. ii. 232.] 
another Castle called Sabowshare, which wee left on our 
r^ht hand, distant from Vasiliagorod, sixteene leagues. 
TTie Countrey hereabout is called Mordovits, and the 
Habitants did professe the Law of the Gentiles : but now 
beeing conquered by this Emperour of Russia, most of 
them are christened, but lye in the Woods and Wilder- 
nesse, without Towne or Habitation. 

The seven and twentieth day we passed by another 
Gude, called Swyasko, distant from Shabowshare afore- Swyasko, 
said, twentie five leagues : we left it on our right hand, 
and the nine and twentieth came unto an Hand one league 
from the Citie of Cazan, from which falleth downe a Cazan stands 
River called Gizankareca, and entreth into the foresaid ^^ SS-f^i^^^^ 
Volga, dzan is a faire Towne after the Russe or ^^' ^^*^'- 
Tartar fashion, with a strong Castle situated upon a high 
Hill, and was walled round about with Timber and Earth, 
but now the Emperour of Russia hath given order to 
{ducke downe the olde wals, and to build them againe 
of free stone. It hath beene a Citie of great Wealth 
and Riches, and being in the hands of the Tartars, it 
was a Kingdome of it selfe, and did more vexe the Russes 
in their Warres, then any other Nation : but nine yeares 
past, this Emperour of Russia conquered it, and tooke 
the King captive, who being but young is now baptized, 
and brought up in his Court with two other Princes, 
which were also Kings of the said Cazan, and being 
each of them in time of their Raignes in danger of their 
Subjects through civill discord, came and rendred them- 
selves at severaQ times unto the said Emperour, so that 
at this present there are three Princes in the Court of 
Russia, which had beene Emperours of the said Cazan, 
whom the Emperour useth with great honour. 

We remayned at Cazan till the thirteenth day of June, 
and then departed from thence : and the same day passed 
by an Iland called the Hand of Merchants, because it TAe Iland of 
was wont to be a place where all Merchants, as well Merchants. 
Russes and Cazanites, as Nagayans and Crimmes, and 




The River of 


Mangat or 





divers other Nations did resort to keepe Mart for buying 
and selling, but now it is forsaken, and standeth without 
any such resort thither, or at Cazan, or at any place about 
it, from Mosco unto Mare Caspium. 

Thus proceeding forward, the fourteenth day we passed 
by a goodly river called Cama, which we left on our left 
hand. This River falleth out of the Countrey of Permia 
into the River of Volga, and is from Cazan fifteene 
leagues : and the Countrey lying betwixt the said Cazan, 
and the said River Cama on the left hand of Volga is 
called Vachen, and the Inhabitants bee Gentiles, and live 
in the Wildernesse without House or Habitation: and 
the Countrey on the other side of Volga, over against 
the said River Cama, is called the Land of Cheremizes, 
halfe Gentiles, halfe Tartars, and all the Land on the left 
hand of the said Volga, from the said River unto Astracan, 
and so following the North and North-east side of die 
Caspian Sea, to a Land of the Tartars called Turkemen, 
is called the Countrey of Mangat or Nagay, whose 
Inhabitants are of the Law of Mahomet, and were all 
destroyed in the yeare 1558. at my beeing at Astracan, 
through Civill Warres among them, accompanied with 
Famine, Pestilence, and such Plagues, in such sort that 
in the said yeare there were consumed of the people, 
in one sort and another, above one hundred thousand: 
the like Plague was never seene in those parts, so that 
the said Countrey of Nagay, being a Countrey of great 
Pasture, remayneth now unreplenished to the great con- 
tentation of the Russes, who have had cruell Warres a 
long time together. 

The Nagayans when they flourished, lived in this 
manner : they were divided into divers companies called 
Hords, and every Hord had a Ruler, whom they obeyed 
as their King, and was called a Murse. Towne or 
House they had none, but lived in the open fields, 
every Murse or King having his Hords or people about 
him, with their Wives, Children, and Cattell, who havit^ 
consumed the Pasture in one place, removed unto another : 



and when they remoove they have Houses like Tents set 
upon Waggons or Carts, which are drawne from place 
to pkce with Camels, and therein their Wives, Children, 
and all their Riches, which is very little, is carried about, 
ind every man hath at the least foure or five Wives 
iesdes Concubines. Use of money they have none, 
Hit doe barter their Cattell for apparell and other neces- 
wies. They delight in no Art nor Science, except the 
(¥arres, wherein they are expert, but for the most part 
they bee pasturing people, and have great store of Cattell, 
irhich is all their Riches. They eate much flesh, and 
specially the Horse, and they drinke Mares Milke, 
iriierewith they be oftentimes drunke : they are seditious 
ind inclined to Theft and Murther. Corne they sow 
not, neither doe eate any Bread, mocking the Christians 
far the same, and disabling our strengths, saying, wee 
live by eating the top of a Weed, and drinke a Drinke 
mide of the same, allowing their great devouring of flesh, 
and drinking of Milke to be the increase of their strength. 
But now to proceed forward to my Journey. 

All the Countrey upon our right hand the River Volga, 
from over against the River Cama unto the Towne of 
Astracan, is the Land of Crimme, whose Inhabitants bee The Crimme 
also of the Law of Mahomet, and live for the most part Tartars, 
according to the fashions of the Nagayes, having continuall 
Warres with the Emperour of Russia, and are valiant in 
the field, having countenance, and support from the great 

The sixteenth day of June we passed by certayne 
Fishermens Houses, called Petowse, twentie leagues [III. ii. 233.] 
from the River Cama, where is great fishing for Sturgeon, 
so continuing our way untill the two and twentieth day, 
and passing by another great River called Samar, which The River of 
£dleth out of the aforesaid Countrey, and runneth through ^^fnar. 
Nagay, and entreth into the said River of Volga. The 
dght and twentieth day we came unto a great Hill, where 
was in times past a Castle made by the Crimmes, but now 
it is ruined, being the just mid-way betweene the said 





Cazan and Astrachan, which is two hundred leagues or 
thereabout, in the latitude of one and fiftie degrees, fortie 
seven minutes. Upon all this shoare groweth abundance 

Licoris in of Licoris, whose Root runneth within the ground like 

great pknAe. a Vine. 

Thus going forward, the sixt day of July we came to a 
Perovolog. place called Perovolog, so named because in times past 
the Tartars carried their Boats from Volga, unto the River 
DtmorTanais. Tanais, Otherwise called Don, by Land, when they would 
rob such as passed downe the said Volga to Astracan, and 
also such as passed downe by the River Tanais, to Afou, 
Caffa, or any other Towne situated upon Mare Euxinum, 
into which Sea Tanais felleth, who hath his Springs in the 
Countrey of the Rezan, out of a plaine ground. It is at 
this streight of Perovolog from the one River to the 
other, two leagues by Land, and is a dangerous place for 
Theeves and Robbers, but now it is not so evill as it 
hath beene by reason of the Emperour of Russia his 

Departing from Perovolog, having the Wildernesse on 
both sides, wee saw a great Heard of Nagayans pasturing, 
as is above said, by estimation above a thousand Camdfs 
drawing of Carts with Houses upon them like Tents, of 
a strange fashion, seeming to bee afarre off a Towne : that 
Herd was belonging to a great Murse, called Smille, the 
greatest Prince in dl Nagay, who hath slaine and driven 
away all the rest, not sparing his owne Brethren and 
Children, and having peace with this Emperour of Russia, 
hee hath what hee needeth, and ruleth alone : so that now 
the Russes live in peace with the Nagayans, who were 
wont to have mortall Warres together. 

The fourteenth day of July passing by an old Castle, 
which was Old Astracan, and leaving it upon our right 
hand, we arrived at New Astracan, which this Emperour 
of Russia conquered sixe yeares past, in the yeare 1552. 
Astrachan. It is from the Mosco unto Astracan sixe hundred leagues, 
or thereabout. The Towne of Astracan is situated in an 
Hand upon a Hill side, having a Castle within the same, 



walled about with Earth and Timber, neither faire nor 
strong : The Towne is also walled about with Earth : the 
Buildings and Houses (except it be the Giptaines Lodging, 
and certaine other Gentlemens) most base & simple. The 
Hand is most destitute and barren of wood and pasture, 
and the ground will beare no Corne : the Aire is there 
most infected, by reason (as I suppose) of much fish, and 
^>ecially Sturgeon, by which onely the Inhabitants live, store of 
having great scarcitie of flesh and bread. They hang up Sturg^onsj y 
their fish in their streets and Houses to dry for their •^^^'' 
provision, which causeth such abundance of flyes to 
increase there, as the like was never scene in any Land, 
to their great Plague. And at my beeing at the said 
Astracan, there was a great Famine and Plague among the 
people, and specially among the Tartars, called Nagayans, 
who the same time came thither in great numbers to 
render themselves to the Russes their Enemies, and 
to seeke succour at their hands, their Countrey being 
destroyed, as I said before ; but they were but ill enter- 
tayned or releeved, for there dyed a great number of 
them for hunger, which lay all the Iland through in 
heapes dead, and like to beasts unburied, very pittifiill 
to behold : many of them were also sold by the Russes, 
and the rest were banished from the Iland. At that time 
it had beene an easie thing to have converted that wicked 
Nation to the Christian Faith, if the Russes themselves 
had beene good Christians : but how should they shew 
compassion unto other Nations, when they are not 
mercifull unto their owne ? At my being there I could 
have bought many goodly Tartars Children, if I would 
have had a thousand, of their owne Fathers and Mothers, 
to say, a Boy or a Wench for a Loafe of bread worth sixe Miserable 
pence in England, but we had more need of victuals at famine. 
that time then of any such Merchandize. This Astracan 
is the furthest hold that this Emperour of Russia hath 
conquered of the Tartars towards the Caspian Sea, which 
he keepeth very strong, sending thither every yeare pro- 
vision of men^ and victuals, and Timber to build the Castle. 




There is a certayne Trade of Merchandize there used, 
but as yet so small and beggerly, that it is not worth the 
making mention, and yet there come Merchants thither 
from divers places. The chiefest Commodities that the 
Russes bring thither are red Hides, red sheeps skinnes, 
woodden Vessels, Bridles, and Saddles, Knives, and other 
Trifles, with Corne, Bacon, and other Victuals. The 
Tartars bring thither divers kinds of Wares made of 
Cotton Wooll, with divers kinds of wrought Silkes : and 
they that come out of Persia, namely, rrom Shamacki, 
doe bring sewing Silke, which is the coursest that they 
use in Russeland, Crasso, divers kinds of pide Silkes for 
Girdles, Shirts of Male, Bowes, Swords, and such like 
things : and some yeares Corne, and Wal-nuts, but all 
such things in such small quantitie, the Merchants being 
so beggerly and poore that bring the same, that it is not 
worth the writing, neither is there any hope of Trade in 
all those parts worth the following. 

This foresaid Hand of Astracan is in length twelve 
leagues, and in breadth three, and lyeth East and West 
in the latitude of fortie seven degrees, nine minutes : we 

[III. ii. 234.] tarryed there untill the sixt day of August, and having 
bought and provided a Boate in company with certayne 
Tartars and Persians, wee laded our goods and imbarked 
our selves, and the same day departed I, with the said 
two Johnsons, having the whole charge of the Navigation 
downe the said River Volga, beeing very crooked, and fiiU 

They enter of flats toward the mouth thereof Wee entred into the 

JU^ *^ « Caspian Sea the tenth day of August at the Easterly side 
asptan ea, ^^ ^^^ ^^.^ River, being twentie leagues from Astracan 
aforesaid, in the latitude of fortie sixe degrees, twentie 
seven minutes. 

Fo/ga. Volga hath seventie mouthes or fals into the Sea : and 

we having a large wind, kept the North-cast shoare, and 
the eleventh day we sayled seven leagues East North- 
east, and came unto an lland having an high Hill therein, 
called Accurgar, a good Marke in the Sea. From thence 
East ten leagues, we fell with another Hand, called Baw- 



hiata, much higher then the other. Within these two 
Hands to the Northwards, is a great Bay called the Blue The Blue Sea. 
Sea. From thence wee sayled East and by North ten 
leagues, and having a contrary wind, wee came to an 
AnchcM* in a fathome water, and so rid untill the fifteenth 
day, having a great storme at South-east, being a most 
contrary wind, which we rid out. Then the wind came 
to the North, and wee weighed, and set our course South- 
east, and that day sayled eight leagues. 

Thus proceeding forwards, the seventeenth day we lost 
s^t of Land, and the same day sayled thirtie leagues, 
and the eighteenth day twentie leagues winding East, and 
fell with a Land called Baughleata, being seventie foure Baughleata 
leagues from the mouth of the said Volga, in the latitude ^^'^^Z 74- 
of fortie sixe degrees fiftie foure minutes, the Coast lying y^J-^^ 
neerest East and by South, and West and by North. At ^^^' 
the point of this Hand lyeth buried a holy Prophet, as the 
Tartars call him, of their Law, where great devotion is 
used of all such Mahometists as doe passe that way. 

The nineteenth day the winde being West, and wee [III. ii. 235.] 

winding^ East South-east, we sayled ten leagues, and 

passed by a great River called Jaic, which hath his spring J ale River, 

in the Land of Siberia, nigh unto the foresaid River 

Guna, and runneth through the Land of Nagay, falling 

into this Mare Caspium. And up this River one dayes 

journey is a Towne called Serachicke, subject to the fore- Serachick. 

said Tartar Prince, called Murse Smille, which is now in 

friendship with the Emperour of Russia. Heere is no 

trade of merchandise used, for that the people have no use 

of money, and are all Men of warre, and Pasturers of 

cattell, and given much to theft and murther. Thus 

being at an anchor against this River Jaic, and all our 

men being on Land, saving I, who lay sore sicke, and five 

Tartars, whereof one was reputed a holy man, because hee 

came from Mecca, there came unto us a Boat with thirtie 

men well armed and appointed, who boorded us, and 

began to enter into our Barke, and our holy Tartar, called 

Azy, perceiving that, asked them what they would have, 




and withall made a prayer : with that these Rovers stayed, 
declaring that they were Gentlemen, banished from their 
Countrey, and out of living, and came to see if there were 
any Russes, or other Christians (which they call Caphars) 
in our Barke : To whom this Azi most stoutly answered, 
that there were none, avowing the same by great oaths of 
their Law, (which lightly they will not breake) whom the 
Rovers beleeved, and upon his words departed. And so 
through the fidelitie of that Tartar, I with all my com- 
panie and goods were saved, and our men being come on 
boord, and the wind faire, we departed from that place, 
and winding East and South-east, that day being the 
twentieth or August sailed sixteene leagues. 

The one and twentieth day we passed over a Bay 
of sixe leagues broad, and fell with a Cape of Land, 
having two Hands at the South-east part thereof, being 
a good marke in the Sea : and doubling the Cape the 
Land trended North-east, and maketh another Bay, into 
which falleth the greater River Yem, springing out of the 

The Countrey Land of Colmack. The two and twentieth, three and 

ofCoimack, twentieth, and foure and twentieth dayes, we were at 
anchor. The five and twentieth, the winde came faire 
and we sayled that day twentie leagues, and passed by an 
Hand of lowe land, and thereabout are many flats and 
sands : and to the Northward of this Hand there goeth in 
a great Bay, but we set off from this Hand, and winded 
South to come into deepe water, being much troubled 
with shoalds and flats, and ranne that course ten leagues, 
then East South-east, twentie leagues, and fell with the 
maine Land, being full of copped Hills, and passing along 
the coast twentie leagues, Ae further we sayled, the 
higher was the Land. 

The seven and twentieth day we crossed over a Bay, 
the South shoare being the higher Land, and fell with a 
high point of Land : and being overthwart the Cape, there 
rose such a storme at the East, that we thought verily we 

The Port of should have perished : this storme continued three dayes. 

Manguslave, From this Cape we passed to a Port called Manguslave. 



The place where we should have arrived at the Souther- 
most part of the Gispian Sea, is twelve leagues within 
a Bay: but we being sore tormented and tossed with 
this foresaid storme, were driven unto another Land on 
Ac other side the Bay, overthwart the said Manguslave 
being very lowe Land, and a place as well for the ill 
commoditie of the Haven, as of those brute field people, 
where never Barke nor Boat had before arrived, not liked 
of us. 

But yet there we sent certaine of our men to Land 
to talke with the Governour and People, as well for our 
good usage at their hands, as also for provision of Camels 
to Carrie our goods from the said Sea side to a place called 
ScUyzure, being from the place of our landing five and 
twentie dayes journey. Our Messengers returned with 
comfortable words and faire promises of all things. 

Wherefore the third day of September 1558. we They goe on 
discharged our Barke, and I with my companie were ^^' 
gently entertayned of the Prince, and of his people. But 
before our departure from thence, we found them to bee 
a very bad and brutish people, for they ceased not daily to 
molest us, either by fighting, stealing, or begging, raysing 
the price of Horse, and Camels, and Victuals, double 
that it was wont there to be, and forced us to buy the 
water that we drinke : which caused us to hasten away, 
and to conclude with them as well for the hire of Camels, 
as for the price of such as wee bought, with other 
provision, according to their owne demand : So that for 
every Camels lading, being but foure hundred weight of 
ours, we agreed to give three Hides of Russia, and 
foure wooden dishes, and to the Prince or Governour 
of the said people one ninth, and two sevenths : namely, 
nine severall things, and twice seven severall things : for 
money they use none. 

And thus being ready, the fourteenth of September we 
departed from that place, being a Caravan of a thousand 
Camels. And having travelled five dayes journey, wee 
came to another Princes Dominion, and upon the way 




there came unto us certaine Tartars on horsebacke, being 

well armed, and servants unto the said Prince called 

The Countrey Timor Sultan, Governour of the said Countrey of Mangu- 

ofMangU' slave, where wee meant to have arrived and discharged our 

'intands in ^^^^^'^ if the great storme aforesaid had not disappointed. 

45. These aforesaid Tartars stayed our Giravan in the name 

of their Prince, and opened our Wares, and tooke such 

things as they thought best for their said Prince without 

money, but for such things as they tooke from mee, which 

was a ninth (after much dissention) I rode unto the same 

[III. ii. 236.] Prince, and presented my selfe before him, requesting his 

favour, and Pasport to travell thorow his Countrey, and 

not to be robbed or spoyled of his people : which request 

he granted me, and entertayned me very gently, 

commanding me to be well feasted with flesh and Mares 

milke : for Bread they use none, nor other drinke 

except water: but money he had none to give me for 

such things as he tooke of me, which might be of value in 

Russe money, fifteene Rubbles, but hee gave mee his 

Letter, and a Horse worth seven Rubbles. And so I 

departed from him being glad that I was gone : for he 

was reported to bee a very tyrant, and if I had not gone 

unto him, I understood his commandement was, that I 

should have beene robbed and destroyed. 

This Sultan lived in the fields without Castle or Towne, 
and sate, at my being with him, in a little round house 
made of reeds covered without with Felt, and within 
with Carpets. There was with him the great Metropolitan 
of that wilde Countrey, esteemed of the people, as the 
Bishop of Rome is in most parts of Europe, with divers 
other of his chiefe men. The Sultan with this Metro- 
politan demanded of mee many questions, as well touching 
our Kingdomes, Lawes, and Religion, as also the cause of 
my comming into those parts, with my further pretence. 
To whom I answered concerning all things, as unto me 
seemed best, which they tooke in good part. So having 
leave I departed, and overtooke our Caravan, and 
proceeding on our journey, and travelled twentie daycs 



in the Wildernesse from the Sea side without seeing Twentiedayes 
Town or habitation, carrying provision of victuals with us ^^^^^^^ 
for the same time, and were driven by necessitie to eate ^^.^^ ^niHe 
one of my Camels and a Horse for our part, as other did of water, 
the like : and during the said twentie dayes we found no 
water, but such as we drew out of the old deepe Wells, 
being very brackish and salt, and yet sometimes passed two 
or three dayes without the same. And the fift day of 
October ensuing, we came unto a Gulfe of the Caspian Another Gulfe 
Sea againe, where we found the water very fresh and of the Caspian 
sweet: at this Gulfe the Customers of the King of ^^' 
Turkeman met us, who tooke custome of every five and 
twentie one, and seven ninths for the said King and his 
brethren, which being received they departed, and we 
remayned there a day after to refresh our selves. 

Note, that in times past there did fall into this Gulfe 
the great River Oxus, which hath his springs in the 
Mountaines of Paraponisus in India, and now commeth 
not so farre, but falleth into another River, called Ardock, fVill, de 
which runneth toward the North, and consumeth himselfe Ruhricis 
in the ground, passing under the ground above five ^^^^^^^ ^^" 
hundred miles, and then issueth out againe and falleth jrdok cap.±. 
into the Lake of Kithay. 

We having refreshed our selves at the foresaid Gulfe, 
departed thence the fourth day of October, and the seventh 
day arrived at a Castle, called Sellizure, where the King, Sellizurey or 
called Azim Can, remayned with three other of his Shayzure. 
brethren, and the ninth day I was commanded to come 
before his presence, to whom I delivered the Emperours 
Letters of Russia : and I also gave him a Present of a 
ninth, who entertayned me very well, and caused me to 
cate in his presence as his brethren did, feasting me with 
flesh of a wilde Horse, and Mares milke without Bread. 
And the next day he sent for me againe, and asked of me 
divers questions, as well touching the affaires of the 
Emperour of Russia, as of our Countrey and Lawes, to 
which I answered as I thought good: so that at my Letters of safe 
departure he gave mee his Letters of safe conduct. conduct. 




This Casde of Sellizure is situated upon an high Hill, ;: 
where the King called the Can lieth, whose Palace is built a 
of earth very basely, and not strong : the people are but n 
poore, and have little trade of merchandise among them. ! 
The South part of this Castle is low land, but very i 
finiitfull, where growe many good fruits, among whi^ !j 
there is one called a Dynie, of a great bignesse, and fidi ! 
of moisture, which the people doe eate after meate in 5 
stead of drinke. Also there growes another fruit, called a ! 
Carbuse, of the bignesse of a great Cucumber, yellow, ^ 
and sweet as Sugar : also a certaine Corne, called J^ur, ^ 
whose stalke is much like a Sugar cane, and as high, and ; 
the Graine like Rice, which groweth at the top of the > 
cane like a cluster of Grapes; the water that serveth ^ 
all that Countrey is drawne by ditches out of the River ) 
Oxus, unto the great destruction of the said River, for ^ 
which cause it falleth not into the Caspian Sea, as it hath 
done in times past, and in short time all that Land is like 
to be destroyed, and to become a Wildernesse for want 
of water, when the River of Oxus shall faile. 

The fourteenth day of the moneth wee departed from 
this Castle of Sellizure, and the sixteenth of the same 
Urgence, in wee arrived at a Citie called Urgence, where we payed 
42. degr. 18. Custome as well for our owne heads, as for our Camels 
and Horses. And having there sojourned one moneth, 
attending the time of our further travell, the King of that 
Countrey called Aly Sultan, brother to the fore-named 
Azym Can, returned from a Towne called Corasan, within 
the borders of Persia, which he lately had conquered 
from the Persians, with whom hee and the rest of the 
Kings of Tartaria have continuall warres. Before this 
King also I was commanded to come, to whom I likewise 
presented the Emperours Letters of Russia, and he 
entertayned me well, and demanded of me divers 
questions, and at my departure gave me his Letters of 
safe conduct. 

This Citie or Towne of Urgence standeth in a plaine 
ground, with walls of the earth, by estimation foure miles 




out it. The buildings within it are also of earth, but 
ined and out of good order : it hath one long street that 
covered above, which is the place of their Market. It 
th beene wonne and lost foure times within seven yeeres 

dvili warres, by mcanes whereof there are but few [in.ii.237.] 
erchants in it, and they very poore, and in all that 
nrae I could not sell above foure Kerseys. The 
icfest commodities there sold are such wares as come 
m Boghar, and out of Persia, but in most small 
antitie not worth the writing. All the Land from 
e Caspian Sea to this Citie of Urgence, is called the 
ind of Turkeman, and is subject to the said Azim Gm, The Countrey 
d his brethren which bee five in number, and one of ^ Turkeman. 
em hath the name of the chiefe King called Can, but 

is litde obeyed saving in his owne Dominion, and 
icrc hee dwelleth: for every one will be King of his 
rne portion, and one brother seeketh alwaies to destroy 
other, having no naturall love among them, by reason 
at they are begotten of divers women, and commonly 
cy arc the children of slaves, either Christians or 
entiles, which the father doth keepe as Concubines, 
id every Can or Sultan hath at the least foure or five 
ivcs, brides young maidens and boyes, living most 
ciously : and when there are warres betwixt these 
•cthren, (as they are seldome without) he that is over- 
>me if hee be not slaine, fleeth to the field with such 
)mpanie of men as will follow him, and there liveth 

Ac Wildernesse, resorting to watering places, and 
\ robbeth and spoyleth as many Caravans of Merchants 
id others, as they be able to overcome, continuing in 
lis sort his wicked life, untill such time as he may get 
3wer and aide to invade some of his brethren againe. 
rom the Caspian Sea unto the Castle of Sellizure afore- 
id, and all the Countries about the said Sea, the people 
ft without Towne or habitation in the wilde fields, 
mooving from one place to another in great companies 
ith their Cattell, whereof they have great store, as 
imels, Horses, and Sheepe both tame and wilde. Their 




sheepe are of great stature with great buttockei 
sixtie or eightie pound in weight. There are I 
Horses which the Tartars doe many times ki| 
Hawkes, and that in this order. i 

The Hawkes are lured to seize upon the bi| 
or heads, which with chasing of themsehre^ 
beating of the Hawkes are tyred : then tp 
foUowing his game doth slay the Horse widk 
or Sword. In all this Land there growethl 
but a certaine brush or heath, whereon the Gtt^ 
become very fat. i 

The Tartars never ride without their Bow^ 
and Sword, although it bee on hawking, or H 
pleasure, and they are good Archers both on hi 
and on foot also. These people have not xxM 
Silver, or any other coyne, but when they lac 
or other necessaries, they barter their Cattell foe 
Bread they have none, for they neither till 's 
they be great devourers of flesh, which they c 
pieces, and eate it by handfuls most greedily, ait 
the Horse flesh. Their chiefest drinke is M 
sowred, as I have said before of the Nagayanj 
will bee drunke with the same. They have^ 
nor places of water in this Countrey, untill 
to the foresaid Gulfe, distant from the plj 
landing twentie dayes journey, except it bee 
the water whereof is saltish, and yet distant th 
the other two dayes journey and more. Thc^ 
meate upon the ground, sitting with their 1 
under them, and so also when they pray. Arte 
they have none, but live most idlely, sitting 
great companies in the fields, devising, and ta 
TAe River of The sixe and twentieth day of Novel 
ArdockfaUeth departed from the Towne of Urgence, ai 
IfKiui^''^^ travelled by the River Oxus one hundred 
■^' passed over another great River, called Ardot 
wee payed a certaine petie custome. This Riv< 



5 great, and very swift, falling out of the foresaid Oxus, 
nd passing about one thousand mile to the Northward, 
: then consumeth itselfe in the ground, and passing under 
he same about five hundred miles, issueth out againe, 
nd falleth into the Lake of Kitay, as I have before 

The seventh of December following, we arrived at a 
^stle called Kait, subject to a Sultan called Saramet The Castle of 
»ultan, who meant to have robbed all the Christians in Kait, 
he Caravan, had it not beene for feare of his brother 
he King of Urgence, as we were informed by one of 
lis chieiest Counsellours, who willed us to make him a 
iresent, which he tooke, and delivered : besides, wee 
>ayed at the said Castle for Custome, of every Camell 
>ne red hide of Russia, besides petie gifts to his Officers. 

Thus proceeding in our journey, the tenth day at 
light being at rest, and our watch set, there came unto 
IS foure Horsemen, which we tooke as Spies, from 
^hom we tooke their weapons, and bound them, and 
laving well examined them, they confessed that they had 
eene the tract of many Horsemen, and no footing of 
]^mels, and gave us to understand, that there were 
clovers and theeves abroad : for there travell few people 
hat are true and peaceable in that Countrey, but in 
x)mpanie of Caravan, where there be many Camels : and 
Horse-feeting new without Camels were to be doubted. 
Whereupon we consulted and determined amongst our 
wives, and sent a Poste to the said Sultan of Kaite, who 
mmediatly came himselfe with three hundred men, and 
met these foure suspected men which wee sent unto him, 
md examined them so straightly, and threatned them in 
juch sort, that they confessed, there was a banished 
Prince with fortie men three dayes journey forward, who 
lay in wait to destroy us, if hee could, and that they 
themselves were of his companie. 

The Sultan therefore understanding, that the Theeves 
were not many, appointed us eightie men well armed [III. H. 238.] 
with a Captaine to goe with us, and conduct us in our 
XII 17 B 



way. And the Sultan himselfe returned backe again, 
taking the foure theeves with him. These souldiers 
travelled with us two dayes, consuming much of our 
victuals. And the third day in the morning very early 
they set out before our Caravan, and having ranged the 
wildernesse for the space of foure houres, they met us, 
comming towards us as fast as their horse could runne, 
and declared that they had found the tract of horses not 
farre from us, perceiving well that wee should meete 
with enemies, and therefore willed us to appoint our 
selves for them, and asked us what wee would give them 
to conduct us further, or else they would returne. To 
whom wee offered as we thought good, but they refused 
our offer, and would have more, and so wee not agreeing 
they departed from us, and went backe to their Sultan, 
who (as wee conjectured) was privie to the conspiracie. 
Divination by But they being gone, certaine Tartars of our companie 
sorcerie. called holy men, (because they had beene at Mecca) 

caused the whole Caravan to stay, and would make their 
prayers, and divine how we should prosper in our journey, 
and whether wee should meet with any ill companie or 
no : To which, our whole Caravan did agree. And they 
tooke certaine sheepe and killed them, and tooke the 
blade bones of the same, and first sod them, and then 
burnt them, and tooke of the bloud of the said sheepe, 
and mingled it with the powder of the said bones, and 
wrote certaine Characters with the said bloud, using many 
other ceremonies and words, and by the same divined 
and found, that wee should meete with enemies and 
theeves (to our great trouble) but should overcome them, 
to which sorcerie, I and my companie gave no credit, 
but wee found it true : for within three houres after that 
the souldiers departed from us, which was the fifteenth 
day of December, in the morning, wee escryed farre oflF 
divers horsemen which made towards us, and we (per- 
ceiving them to bee rovers) gathered our selves together, 
being fortie of us well appointed, and able to fight, and 
wee made our prayers together every one after his Law, 



professing to live and dye one with another, and so 
prepared our selves. When the theeves were nigh unto Fig^t with 
us, wee perceived them to be in number thirtie seven men ^^^^^• 
well armed, and appointed with bowes, arrowes, and swords, 
and the Captaine a Prince banished from his Countrey. 
They willed us to yeeld our selves, or else to bee slaine, 
but wee defied them, wherewith they shot at us all at 
once, and we at them very hotly, and so continued our 
fight from morning untill two houres within night, divers 
men, horses and camels being wounded and slaine on 
both parts : and had it not beene for foure hand-guns, Hand-guns 
which I and my companie had and used, wee had beene very 
overcome and destroyed : for the theeves were better p^^fi^^^^- 
armed, and were also better Archers then wee ; But after 
we had slaine divers of their men and horses with our 
Guns, they durst not approach so nigh, which caused 
them to come to a truce with us untill the next morning, 
which wee accepted, and encamped our selves upon a 
hill, and made the fashion of a Castle, walling it about 
with packes of wares, and layd our Horses and Camels 
within the same, to save them from the shot of arrowes : 
and the theeves also incamped within an arrow shot of 
us, but they were betwixt us and the water, which was 
to our great discomfort, because neither wee nor our 
Camels had drunke in two dayes before. 

Thus keeping good watch, when halfe the night was 
spent, the Prince of the Theeves sent a messenger halfe 
way unto us, requiring to talke with our Captaine, in 
their tongue, the Caravan Basha, who answered the 
messenger, I will not depart from my companie to goe 
into the halfe way to tdke with thee : but if that thy 
Prince with all his companie will sweare by our Law to 
keepe the truce, then will I send a man to talke with 
thee, or else not. Which the Prince understanding as 
well himselfe as his company, swore so loude that wee 
might all heare. And then we sent one of our companie 
(reputed a holy man) to talke with the same messenger. A koly man. 
The message was pronounced aloude in this order* Our 




Prince demandeth of the Caravan Basha, and of all you 
Bussarmans, that bee Bussarmans, (that is to say, Circumcised) not 
or Muslmans desiring your bloudes, that you deliver into his hands as 
Caphar. many Caphars, that is, unbeleevers (meaning us the 
Christians) as are among you with their goods, and in 
so doing, hee will suffer you to depart with your goods 
in quietnesse, and on the contrarie, you shall bee handled 
with no lesse cruelty then the Caphars, if hee overcome 
you, as hee doubteth not. To the which our Caravan 
Basha answered, that hee had no Christians in his com- 
panie, nor other strangers, but two Turkes which were 
of their Law : and although hee had, hee would rather 
dye then deliver them, and that wee were not afraid of 
his threatnings, and that should hee know when day 
appeared. And so passing in talke, the Theeves (con- 
trary to their oath) carried our holy man away to their 
Prince, crying with a loude voyce in token of victorie, 
Fidelitieofttu Ollo, oUo. Wherewith wee were much discomforted, 
Infidel. fearing that that holy man would betray us : but he 

being cruelly handled and much examined, would not 
to death confesse any thing which was to us prejudicial!, 
neither touching us, nor yet what men they had slaine 
and wounded of ours the day before. When the night 
was spent, in the morning wee prepared our selves to 
battell againe : when the theeves perceiving, required 
to fall to agreement, and asked much of us : And to bee 
briefe, the most part of our company being loath to goc 
to battell againe, and having little to lose, and safe 
conduct to passe, wee were compelled to agree, and to 
give the theeves twentie ninths (that is to say) twentie 
times nine severall things, and a Camell to carrie away 
the same, which being received, the theeves departed into 
[III. ii. 239.] the Wildernesse to their olde habitation, and wee went 
on our way forward. And that night came to the River 
The river of Oxus, where wee refreshed our selves, having beene three 
Oxus. dayes without water and drinke, and tarried there all the 

next day, making merrie with our slaine Horses and 
Camels, and then departed from that place, and for fearc 



of meeting with the said theeves againe, or such like, wee 
left the high way which went along the said River, and 
passed through a wildernesse of sand, and travelled foure A mldemesse 
dayes in the same before wee came to water : and then ^f^^»^* 
came to a Well, the water being very brackish, and we 
then as before were in need of water, and of other victuals, 
being forced to kill our Horses and Camels to eate. 

In this wildernesse also, wee had almost fallen into the 
hands of Theeves : for one night being at rest, there came 
certaine scouts, and carried away certaine of our men 
which lay a little separated from the Caravan wherewith 
there was a great shoute and crie, and we immediatly 
laded our Camels, and departed being about midnight, 
and very darke, and drove sore till we came to the river 
Oxus againe, and then wee feared nothing being walled 
with the said river : and whether it was for that wee had 
gotten the water, or for that the same theeves were farre 
from us when the scouts discovered us, we know not, but 
wee escaped that danger. 

So upon the three & twentieth day of December, we Boghar a 
arrived at the Citie of Boghar in the land of Bactria. CiHe of 
This Boghar is situated in the lowest part of all the Land, ^^^» ^« 
walled about with a high wall of earth, with divers Gates J^' ^^\^ 
into the same : it is divided into three partitions, whereof 
two parts are the Kings, and the third part is for 
Merchants & Markets, and every Science hath their 
dwelling and market by themselves. The Citie is very 
great, and the houses for the most part of Earth, but 
there are also many Houses, Temples, and Monuments 
of stone sumptuously builded, and gilt, and specially Bath- 
stoves so artificially built, that the like thereof is not in 
the world : the manner whereof is too long to rehearse. 
There is a little river running through the midst of the 
said Citie, but the water thereof is most unwholesome, for 
it breedeth sometimes in men that drinke thereof, and 
especially in them that bee not there borne, a Worme of A strange 
an ell long, which lyeth commonly in the leg, betwixt the Worme in 
flesh and the skin, and is pluckt out about the Ancle with ^^ ^^^' 




great art and cunning, the Surgeons being much practised 
5ierein, and if shee breake in plucking out, the parde 
dyeth, and every day she commeth out about an inch, 
which is rolled up, and so worketh till she bee all out 
And yet it is there forbidden to drinke any other thing 
then water, and Mares milke, and whosoever is found to 
breake that Law, is whipped and beaten most cruelly 
through the open markets, and there are Officers appointed 
for the same, who have authoritie to goe into any mans 
house, to search if hee hath either Aquanita, Wine, or 
Brag, and finding the same, doe breake the vessels, spoyle 
the drinke, and punish the masters of the house most 
cruelly ; yea, and many times if they perceive but by the 
breath of a man that hee hath drunke, without further 
examination he shall not escape their hands. 

There is a Metropolitane in this Boghar, who causedi 
this law to be so straightly kept : and he is more obeyed 
then the King, and will depose the King, and place 
another at his will and pleasure, as hee did by this King 
that raigned at our being there, and his predecessour, 
by the meanes of the said Metropolitan : for hee betrayed 
him, and in the night slew him in his chamber, who was 
a Prince that loved all Christians well. 
These are of This Countrey of Boghar was sometime subject to the 
the Jeselbas Persians, and doe now speake the Persian tongue, but yet 
^^ ^^' now it is a Kingdome of it selfe, and hath most cruell 
warres continually with the said Persians about their 
Religion, although they bee all Mahometists. One occa- 
sion of their warres is, for that the Persians will not cut 
the hayre of their upper lips, as the Bogharians and all 
other Tartars doe, which they account great sinne, and 
call them Caphars, that is, unbeleevers, as they doe the 

The King of Boghar hath no great power or riches, his 
revenues are but small, and hee is most maintained by the 
Citie : for he taketh the tenth penie of all things that arc 
there sold, as well by the Craftsmen as by the Merchants, 
to the great impoverishment of the people, whom hcc 



keepeth in great subjection, and when hee lacketh money, 
he sendeth his officers to the Shops of the said Merchants, 
to take their wares to pay his debts, and will have credit 
of force, as the like hee did to pay me certaine money that 
he owed me for nineteene pieces of Kersey. Their money The Coyne of 
is silver and copper, for gold there is none currant : they ^^g^^- 
have but one piece of silver, and that is worth twelve- 
pence English, and the copper money are called Pooles, 
and one hundred and twentie of them goeth to the value 
of the said twelve-pence, and is more common payment 
then the silver, which the King causeth to rise and fall to 
his most advantage every other moneth, and sometimes 
twise a moneth, not caring to oppresse his people, for that 
he looketh not to raigne above two or three yeeres, before 
he bee either slaine or driven away, to the great destruc- 
tion of the Countrey and Merchants. 

The twentie sixth day of the moneth, I was commanded 
to goe before the said King, to whom I presented the 
Emperour of Russia his letters, who entertained us most 
gently, and caused us to eate in his presence, and divers 
times hee sent for me, and devised with me familiarly in 
his secret chamber, as well of the power of the Emperour, 
and the great Turke, as also of our Countries, Lawes, and 
Religion, and caused us to shoote in hand-guns before 
him, and did himselfe practice the use thereof. But after [III. ii. 240.] 
all this great entertainment, before my departure hee 
shewed himselfe a very Tartar : for he went to the warres j1 very 
owing me money, and saw me not payed before his Tartar. 
departure. And although indeed hee gave order for the 
same, yet was I very ill satisfied, and forced to rebate part, 
and to take wares as payment for the rest contrary to my 
expectation : but of a begger better payment I could not 
have, & glad I was so to be payd and dispatched. 

But yet I must needs praise and commend this bar- 
barous King, who immediately after my arrivall at Boghar, 
having understood our trouble with the Theeves, sent one 
hundred men well armed, and gave them great charge not 
to returne before they had either slaine or taken the sayd 



The Kings 

of India, 

of Persia. 


theeves. Who according to their commission ranged the 
wildernesse in such sort, that they met with the said com- 
panie of Theeves, and slew part, and part fled, and foure 
they tooke and brought unto the King, and two of them 
were sore wounded in our skirmish with our Guns : And 
after the King had sent for me to come to see them, hec 
caused them all foure to bee hanged at his Palace gate, 
because they were Gentlemen, to the example of others. 
And of such goods as were gotten againe, I had port 
restored me ; and this good Justice I found at his hands. 

There is yeerely great resort of Merchants to this Cirie 
of Boghar, which travell in great Caravans fi-om the 
Countries thereabout adjoyning, as India, Persia, Balgh, 
Russia, with divers others, and in times past from Cathay, 
when there was passage : but these Merchants are so 
beggerly and poore, and bring so little quantitie of wares, 
lying two or three yeeres to sell the same, that there is no 
hope of any good trade there to be had worthy the 
following. The chiefe commodities that are brought 
thither out of these foresaid Countries, are these 

The Indians doe bring fine Whites, which the Tartars 
doe all roll about their heads, and all other kindes of 
Whites, which serve for apparell made of Cotton-wooll 
and Crasca, but Gold, Silver, precious Stones, and Spices 
they bring none. I enquired and perceived that all such 
trade passeth to the Ocean sea, and the veynes where all 
such things are gotten are in the subjection of the 
Portugals. The Indians carrie from Boghar againe 
wrought Silkes, red Hides, Slaves, and Horses, with such 
like, but of Kerseis and other cloath, they make little 
account. I offered to barter with Merchants of those 
Countries, which came from the ftirthest parts of India, 
even from the Countrey of Bengala, and the river Ganges, 
to give them Kerseis for their commodities, but they 
would not barter for such commoditie as Cloath. 

The Persians doe bring thither Craska, Woollen-cloath, 
Linnen-cloath, divers kindes of wrought pide Silkes, 



Argomacks, with such like, and doe carrie from thence 
red hydes with other Russe wares, and Slaves, which are 
of divers Countries, but cloath they will buy none, for 
that they bring thither themselves, and is brought unto 
them as I have inquired from Aleppo in Syria, and the 
parts of Turkie. The Russes doe carrie unto Boghar, red Merchandise 
hydes, sheepe skinnes, woollen cloath of divers sorts, of Russia, 
woodden vessels, brydles, saddles, with such like, and doe 
carrie away from thence divers kindes of wares made of 
cotten-wooU, divers kindes of silkes, Crasca, with other 
things, but there is but small utterance. From the 
Countries of Cathay are brought thither in time of peace, 
and when the way is open, Muske, Rubarbe, Satten, 
Damaske, with divers other things. At my being at 
Boghar, there came Caravans out of all these foresaid 
Countries, except from Cathay : and the cause why there Merchandise 
came none from thence, was the great warres that had of Cathay. 
dured three yeeres before my comming thither, and yet flares. 
dured betwixt two great Countries and Cities of Tartars, 
that are directly in the way betwixt the said Boghar and 
the said Cathay, and certaine barbarous field people, as 
well Gentiles as Mahometists bordering to the said Cities. 
The Cities are called Taskent and Caskar, and the people Taskent and 
that warre against Taskent are called Cossacks of the law (^^^^r, 
of Mahomet : and they which warre with the said Coun- 
trey of Caskar are called Kings, Gentiles and Idolaters. 
These two barbarous Nations are of great force, living in 
the fields without House or Towne, and have almost 
subdued the foresaid Cities, and so stopped up the way, 
that it is impossible for any Caravan to passe unspoyled : 
so that three yeeres before our being there, no Caravan 
had gone, or used trade betwixt the Countries of Cathay 
and Boghar, and when the way is cleare, it is nine moneths 

To speake of the said Countrey of Cathay, and of such 
newes as I have heard thereof, I have thought it best to 
reserve it to our meeting. I having made my solace at 
Bc^har, in the winter time, and having learned by much 




inquisition, the trade thereof, as also of all the other 
Countries thereto adjoyning, and the time of the jreere 
being come, for all Caravans to depart, and also the King 
being gone to the warres, and newes come that hee was 
fled, and I advertised by the Metropolitan himselfe, that I 
should depart, because the Towne was like to bee besieged: 
I thought it good and meete, to take my journey some 
way, and determined to have gone from thence into 
Persia, and to have seene the trade of that Countrey, 
although I had informed my selfe sufficiently thereof, as 
well at Astracan, as at Boghar : and perceived well the 
trades not to be much unlike the trades of Tartaria : 
but when I should have taken my journey that way, it was 
let by divers occasions : the one was, the great warres that 
did newly begin betwixt the Sophie, and the Kings of 
Tartaria, whereby the wayes were destroyed : and there 
Caravan was a Caravan destroyed with rovers and theeves, which 
destroyed. came out of India and Persia, by safe conduct : and about 
ten dayes journey from Boghar, they were robbed, and a 
[III. ii. 241.] great part slaine. Also the Metropolitan of Boghar, 
who is greater then the King, tooke the Emperours 
letters of Russia from me, without which I should have 
beene taken Slave in every place : also all such wares 
as I had received in barter for Cloath, and as I tooke 
perforce of the King, and other his Nobles, in payment 
of money due unto me, were not vendible in Persia : 
for which causes, and divers others, I was constrained 
He retumeth to come backe againe to Mare Caspium, the same way 
the eighth of \ went: so that the eight of March, 1559. wee departed 
Marchyi^^g. ^^^ of the said Citie of Boghar, being a Caravan of sixe 
hundred Camels : and if wee had not departed when we 
did, I and my companie had beene in danger to have 
lost life and goods. For ten dayes after our departure, 
Samarcand, the King of Samarcand came with an armie, and besieged 
the said Citie of Boghar, the King being absent, and gone 
to the warres against another Prince his kinsman, as the 
like chanceth in those Countries once in two or three 
yeeres. For it is marvell, if a King raigne there above 



three or foure yeeres, to the great destruction of the 
Countrey, and Merchants. 

The five and twentieth of March, we came to the 
foresaid Towne of Urgence, and escaped the danger of Urgence. 
foure hundred rovers, which lay in wayte for us backe 
againe, being the most of them of kindred to that 
companie of theeves, which wee met with going foorth, 
as we perceived by foure spyes, which were taken. 
There were in my companie, and committed to my 
charge, two Ambassadors, the one from the King of 
Boghar, the other from the King of Balke, and were The King of 
sent unto the Emperour of Russia. And after having Balkcy or 
tarried at Urgence, and the Castle of Sellysure, eight ^ 
dayes for the assembling, and making ready our Caravan, 
the second of April wee departed from thence, having 
foure moe Ambassadours in our companie, sent from 
the King of Urgence, and other Sultans, his brethren, 
unto the Emperour of Russia, with answer of such 
Letters as I brought them : and the same Ambassadours 
were also committed unto my charge by the said Kings 
and Princes : to whom I promised most faithfully, and 
swore by our Law, that they should bee well used in 
Rusland, and suffered to depart from thence againe in 
safetie, according as the Emperour had written also 
in his letters : for they somewhat doubted, because 
there had none gone out of Tartaria into Russia, of 
long time before. 

The three and twentieth of Aprill, wee arrived at 
the Mare Caspium againe, where we found our Barke The Caspian 
which wee came in, but neither Anchor, Cable, Cocke, ^^^• 
nor Sayle : neverthelesse we brought Hempe with us, 
and spun a Cable our selves, with the rest of our 
tackling, and made us a sayle of cloath of Cotton-wooU, 
and rigged our Barke as well as wee could, but boate 
or anchor we had none. In the meane time being 
devising to make an anchor of wood of a Cart-wheele, Woodden 
there arrived a Barke, which came from Astracan, with ^*^^'*- 
Tartars and Russes, which had two Anchors, with whom 




I agreed for the one : and thus being in a readinesse, wee 
set sayle and departed, I, and the two Johnsons, being 
Master and Mariners our selves, having in our Barke 
the said sixe Ambassadours, and twentie five Russes, 
which had beene Slaves a long time in Tartaria, nor ever 
had before my comming, libertie, or meanes to get home, 
and these Slaves served to row when need was. Thus 
savling sometimes along the coast, and sometimes out 
or sight of land, the thirteenth day of May, having 
a contrary winde, we came to an anchor, being three 
Dangerous leagues from the shoare, and there arose a sore storme, 
umfesty and which continued fortie foure houres, and our cable being 
'com e ^^ ^^^ owne spinning, brake, and lost our anchor, ana 
being off a lee shoare, and having no boate to help us, 
wee hoysed our sayle, and bare roomer with the said 
shoare, looking for present death : but as God provided 
for us, we ranne into a creeke full of Oze, and so saved 
our selves with our Barke, and lived in great discomfort 
for a time. For although wee should have escaped with 
our lives the danger of the sea, yet if our barke had 
perished, we knew we should have been either destroyed, 
or taken slaves by the people of that Countrey, who live 
wildly in the field, like beasts, without house or habita- 
tion. Thus when the storme was seased, wee went out 
of the creeke againe : and having set the land with our 
Com passe, and taken certayn markes of the same, during 
the time of the tempest, whilest we rid at our anchor, 
wee went directly to the place where we rid, with our 
Barke againe, and found our anchor which we lost : 
whereat the Tartars much marvelled, how we did it 
While wee were in the creeke, we made an anchor of wood 
of Cart wheeles, which we had in our Barke, which we 
threw away, when we had found our Iron anchor againe. 
Within two dayes after, there arose another great storme, 
at the North-east, and we lay a trie, being driven farre 
into the sea, and had much adoe to keepe our Barke from 
sinking, the billow was so great : but at the last, having 
faire weather, wee tooke the Sunne, and knowing how 



the Land lay from us, we fell with the River Yaik, T'aik. 
according to our desire, whereof the Tartars were very 
glad, fearing that wee should have beene driven to the 
coast of Persia, whose people were unto them great enemies. 

Note, that during the time of our Navigation, we set ^^ EigUsA 
up the red Crosse of Saint George in our flagges, for Q^stlan sea 
honour of the Christians, which I supposed was never the Country 
seene in the Caspian sea before. Wee passed in this therofisin 
voyage divers fortunes : notwithstanding, the eight and 4^- ^^i- 
twentieth of May we arrived in safetie at Astracan, 
and there remayned till the tenth of June following, as 
well to prepare us small Boates, to goe up against the 
streame of Volga, with our goods, as also for the com- 
panie of the Ambassadours of Tartaric, committed unto 
me, to be brought to the presence of the Emperour of 

This Caspian sea (to say something of it) is in length [III. ii. 242.] 
about two hundred leagues, and in breadth one hundred ^ notable 
and fiftie, without any issue to other Seas : to the East ^^^>^^ e/* 
part wherof, joyneth the great desart Countrey of the ^^^ ^*^^ 
Tartars, called Turkemen : to the West, the Countries 
of the Chyrcasses, the Mountaines of Caucasus, and the 
Mare Euxinum, which is from the said Caspian Sea, a 
hundred leagues. To the North is the river Volga, and 
the land of Nagay, and to the South part joyne the 
Countries of Media and Persia. This Sea is fresh water 
in many places, and in other places as salt as our great 
Ocean : It hath many goodly Rivers falling into it, and 
it avoydeth not it selfe except it bee under ground. The 
notable Rivers that fall into it, are first the great River of 
Volga, called in the Tartar tongue Edell, which springeth 
out of a lake in a marrish or plaine ground, not farre 
from the Citie of Novogrode in Russia, and it is from 
the spring to the Sea, above two thousand English miles. 
It hath divers other goodly Rivers falling into it, as out 
of Siberia, Yaic, and Yem : Also out of the mountaines 
of Caucasus, the Rivers of Cyrus and Arash, and divers 




As touching the trade of Shamakie in Media ancf 
Tebris, with other Townes in Persia, I have enquired, 
and doe well understand, that it is even like to the trades 
of Tartaria, that is little utterance, and small profite : and 
I have beene advertised that the chiefe trade of Persia is 
into Syria, and so transported into the Levant sea. The 
few ships upon the Caspian Seas, the want of Mart and 
port Townes, the povertie of the people, and the Ice, 
maketh that trade naught. 
Astracan in At Astracan there were Merchants of Shamakie, frith 
47- ^' 9- whom I offered to barter, and to give them Kersies fbr 
their wares, but they would not, saying, they had them as 
good cheape in their Countrey, as I offered them, whidi 
was sixe rubbles for a Kersie, that I asked : and while 
I was at Boghar, there were brought thither out of Persia, 
Cloath, and divers commodities of our Countries, which 
was sold as good cheape, as I might sell ours. 

The tenth day of June, wee departed from Astracan 
towards the Mosco, having an hundred gunners in our 
companie at the Emperours charges, for the safe conduct 
of the Tartar Ambassadours and me. And the eight and 
twentieth day of July following, we arrived at the Citie 
of Cazan, having been upon the way from Astracan 
thither, sixe weekes and more, without any refreshing erf" 
victuals : for in all that way there is no habitation. 
Cazan is in The seventh of August following, wee departed from 
55- ^^g' 33- Cazan, and transported our goods by water, as fkrre as 
'^?' . 7 . the Citie of Morum, and then by land : so that the 
Mosco the second of September, wee arrived at the Citie of the 
second of Mosco, and the fourth day I came before the Em- 
Seftember. perours Majestic, kissed his hand, and presented him a . 
white Cowes tale of Cathay, and a Drum of Tartaria, 
which hee well accepted. Also I brought before him all 
the Ambassadours that were committed to my cham, 
with all the Russe slaves : and that day I dined in his 
Majesties presence, and at dinner, his Grace sent me ] 
meate by a Duke, and asked me divers questions touching ^ 
the Lands and Countries where I had beene. And thus 




I remayned at the Mosco about your affaires, untill the 

seventeenth day of Februarie that your wares were sent 

downe : and then having licence of the Emperours 

Majestie to depart, the one and twentieth day I came 

to your house to Vologhda, and there remayned untill 

the breaking up of the yeere : and then having seene 

all your goods laden into your Boates, I departed with 

the same, and arrived withall in safetie at Colmogro, 

the ninth of May 1560. And heere I cease for this 

time, intreating you to beare with this my large discourse, 

which by reason of the varietie of matter, I could make 

no shorter, and I beseech God to prosper all your 


I have certaine notes which seeme to have beene written 
at Boghar by some of Master Jenkinsons companie : 
which containe intelligences there received touching 
Cathay and the wayes thither. But I hope thereof in 
that which foUowes to give better intelligence. It is 
there said that the people of Comoron are very beautiful!, 
and that they use Knives and Forkes of gold and silver 
to eate their meate, not touching it with their hands : 
that the Musk-beast is as big as a Hound. In Teray See more 
they worship the Fire, which is thirtie foure dayes journey certaintie in 
from Cathay. At Cascar is resident the Can. From ^^^^• 
Cascar to Cocheke is foure weekes ; it is the first Land 
of the Emperour of Cathay : and then to Camche five 
dayes by land, and to Cataio eight weekes. In this last 
journey is plentie of all things : both Horse to bee had, 
and Women at too easie rate, &c. which as newes to 
them I have heere touched, rather than related. 

I have also by me, the last Will of Gabriel Willoughbie, MemoHall of 
kinsman to that honourable Martyr of English Northerne Sir H, 
Discoveries Sir Hugh Willoughbie, mentioned in the ^^*^«^^''^- 
banning of this Chapter, and subscribed with his Name, 
Ae worth whereof hath caused heere also this subscription. 
It was found in the Ship where they were frozen. 





[III. ii. 243.] 

*The other 
voyages are in 
Master Hak- 
luyty this I 
have fir 
Tartaria and 
the Caspian 
sea brought 



Advertisements and reports of the sixth* Voyage 
into the parts of Persia and Media, gathered 
out of sundry Letters written by Christopher 
Burrough ; and more especially a voyage over 
the Caspian Sea, and their shipwracke and 
miseries there endured by the Ice. 

Irst it is to bee understood, that the ships for the 
voyage to Saint Nicholas in Russia, in which the 
Factors and merchandise for the Persian voyage 
were transported, departed from Gravesend the nineteenth 
of June, 1579. which arrived at Saint Nicholas in Russia, 
the two and twentieth of July, where the Factors and 
Merchants landed, and the merchandise discharged and 
laden into Doshnikes, that is, barkes of the Countrey, to 
be carried from thence up bv River unto Vologda. And 
the five and twentieth day ot the said July, the Doshnikes 
departed from Rose Hand by Saint Nicholas up the river 
Dwina Peremene, that is to say in poste, by continual! 
sayling, rowing, setting with poles, or drawing of men, 
which came to Colmogro the seven and twentieth day, 
and departed thence the nine and twentieth of July up 
the said river Dwina, and came to Ustyoug (which is at 
the head of the river Dwina, and mouth of Sughano) the 
ninth of August, where they stayed but a small time, 
providing some victuals, and shifting certaine of their 
Cossacks or Barkmen, and so departed thence the same 
day up the Sughano, and came to Totma (which is counted 
somewhat more then halfe the way from Ustyoug) the 
fifteenth day, where they shifted some of their Cossacks, 
and departed thence the same day, and came to the Citie 
Vologda the nineteenth of August, where they landed 
their goods, and stayed at that place till the thirtieth of 
the same. Having provided at Vologda, Telegas or 
Waggons, whereupon they laded their goods, they departed 



thence with the same by land towards Yeraslave, the said 
thirtieth of August at eight of the clocke in the morning, 
and came to the East side of the river Volga, over against 
Yeraslave, with five and twentie Telegas laden with the Yeraslave, 
said goods, the seventh of September at five of the clocke 
afternoone. Then the three stroogs or barkes, provided 
to transport the said goods to Astracan, (where they should 
meete the ship that should carrie the same from thence 
into Persia) came over fi-om Yeraslave unto the same 
side of the river Volga, & there tooke in the said goods. 
And having prepared the said Barks ready with all neces- 
sarie furniture, they departed with them fi-om Yeraslave 
down the river of Volga, on the fourteenth day of 
September at nine of the clocke in the morning, and they 
arrived at Niznovogrod the seventeenth day at three of Niznovogrod, 
the clocke afternoone, where they shewed the Emperours 
letters to passe free without paying any custome, and 
tarried there about three hoxires to provide necessaries, 
and then departing, arrived at Cazan (or neere the same Cazan, 
Towne) on the two and twentieth of September at five 
of the clocke afternoone, where (through contrary windes, 
and for providing new Cossacks in the places of some that 
there went fi-om them) they remayned till the sixe and 
twentieth day, at what time they departed thence about 
two of the clocke after noone, and arrived at Tetushagorod, 
which is on the Crim side of Volga, and in latitude ^^. 
degrees 22. minutes, the eight and twentieth day at ten 
in the forcnoone, where they anchored, and remained about 
three hoxires, and departing thence came to Oveak, which 
is on the Crims side (on the Westerne side of Volga) the 
fift of October about five of the clocke in the morning. 
This place is accounted halfe the way betweene Cazan 
and Astracan: and heere there groweth great store of 
Liqouris: the soyle is very fiinitfull: they found there Great store of 
Apple-trees, and Cherrie-trees. The latitude of Oveak Liquoris, 
is 5 1. degrees 3o.minuts. At this place had beene a very 
feire stone Castle called by the name Oveak, and adjoyning 
to the same was a Towne called by the Russes, Sodom : Sodom, 
XII 33 c 






this Towne and part of the Castle (by report of the Russes) 
was swallowed into the earth by the justice of God, for 
the wickednesse of the people that inhabited the same. 
There remayneth at this day to be seene a part of the 
ruines of the Castle, and certaine Tombes, wherein as it 
seemeth have beene layd noble personages: for upon a 
tombe stone might be perceived the forme of a Horse 
and a man sitting on it with a Bow in his hand, and 
Arrowes girt to his side : there was a piece of a Scutchion 
also upon one of the stones, which had characters graven 
on it, whereof some part had been consumed with the 
weather, and the rest left unperfect: but by the fatmt 
of them that remained, we judged them to be characters 
of Armenia : and other characters were graven also upon 
another tombe stone. Now they departed from Oveak 
the said fift of October at five of the clocke after noone, 
and came to Peravolok the tenth day about eleven or 
twelve of the clocke that night, making no abode at that 
place, but passed alongst by it. This word Peravolok in 
the Russe tongue doth signifie a narrow straight or necke 
of land between two waters, and it is so called by them, 
because from the river Volga, at that place, to the river 
Don or Tanais, is counted thirtie versts, or as much as a 
man may well travell on foot in one day. And seven 
versts beneath, upon an Hand called Tsaritsna, the 
Emperour of Russia hath fiftie Gunners all Summer time 
to keepe watch, called by the Tartar name Carawool. 
Betweene this place and Astracan are five other Carawools 
or watches. 
[III. ii. 244.] The First is named Kameni Carawool, and is distant 
from Peravolok one hundred and twentie verstes. TTic 
second named Stupino Carowool, distant from the first 
fiftie verstes. The third called Polooy Carowool, is cmic 
hundred and twentie verstes distant from the second. The 
fourth named Keezeyur Carawool, is fiftie verstes distant 
from the third. The fift named Ichkebre, is thirtie verstes 
distant from the fourth, and from Ichkebre to Astracan 
is thirtie verstes. 





The sixteenth of October they arrived at Astracan. Ice at Astra- 
The ninteenth of November the winde being northerly, canforfoure 
there was a great frost, and much Ice in the River : the ^^^^ '' 
next day being the twentieth of November, the Ice stood 
in the River, and so continued untill Easter day. 

The sixth of Januarie being Twelfe day (which they 
call Chreshenia) the Russes of Astracan brake a hole in 
the Ice upon the River Volga, and hallowed the water 
with great solemnitie, accordmg to the manner of their 
Countrey, at which time all the Souldiers of the Towne 
shot off their small Peeces upon the Ice, and likewise to 
gratifie the Captaine of the Castle, being a Duke, whose 
name is Pheodor Michalovich Trojocouria, who stood 
hard by the ship, beholding them as they were on the 
River, was shot off all the Ordnance of our ship being 
fifteene Peeces, viz. two Faulcons, two Faulconets, foure 
Fowlers, foure Fowlers Chambers, and three other small 
Peeces made for the Stroogs to shoot Haile-stones, and 
afterwards the great Ordnance of the Castle was shot off. 

On the one and thirtieth of Januarie there happened An EcRpse, 
a great Eclipse of the Moone, which began about twelve 
of the clocke at night, and continued before shee was 
deere an houre and an halfe by estimation, which ended 
the first of Februarie about halfe an houre past one in 
the morning: shee was wholly darkned by the space of 
halfe an houre. 

The seventeenth of Aprill, the variation of the Com- The variation 
passe observed in Astracan, was 13. degrees 40. minutes e/"^^^ 
from North to West. This Spring there came newes to 5S^' 'Ls 
Astracan, that the Queene of Persia (the King being blind) ,- ^iemes 
had beene with a great Armie against the Turkes that 40. min. 
were left to possesse Media, and had given them a great 
overthrow : yet notwithstanding Derbent, and the greatest 
part of Media were still possessed and kept by the Turkes. 
The Factors of the Companie consulting upon their 
affaires, determined to leave at Astracan the one halfe of 
their goods with Arthur Edwards, and with the other halfe, 
the other three Factors would proceed in the ship on their 




pxirposed Voyage to the coast of Media, to see what might 
bee done there : where, if they could not finde safe traffidke, 

Gilan. they determined to proceed to the coast of Gilan, which 

is a Province neere the Caspian Sea bordering upon Persia : 
and thereupon appointed the said goods to be laden aboord 
the ship, and tooke into her also some merchandise of 
Tisiks or Persian Merchants. 

The second of May they weighed, and plyed downe the 
River Volga, toward the Caspian Sea. The seventh of 
May in the morning, they passed by a Tree that standeth 
on the left hand of the River as they went downe, which 
is called Mahomet Agatch, or Mahomets Tree, and about 
three verstes further, that is to say, to the Southwards 

Uchoog. of the said Tree, is a place called Uchoog, that is to say, 

The Russe Weare : (but Ochoog is the name of a Wearc 
in the Tartar tongue) where are certaine Cotages, and 
the Emperour hath lying at that place certaine Gunners 
to guard his Fisher-men that keepe the Weare. This 
Uchoog is counted from Astracan sixty verstes : they pro- 
ceeded downe the said River without staying at the 
Uchoog. The ninth and tenth dayes they met with 

Shallow water, shallow Water, and were forced to lighten their ship by 
the Pavos: The eleventh day they sent backe to mt 
Uchoog for an other Pavos : This day by mischance the 
ship was bilged on the grapnell of the Pavos, whereby 
the companie had sustayned great losses, if the chiefest 

!)art of their goods had not beene layd into the Pavos: 
or notwithstanding their pumping with three Pumps, 
heaving out water with Buckets, and all the best shifts 
they could make, the ship was halfe full of water ere the ; 
leake could be found and stopt. The twelfth day the 
Pavos came to them from the Uchoog, whereby they 
lighted the ship of all the goods. The thirteenth day 
in the morning there came to them a small Boat, sent 
by the Captaine of Astracan, to learne whether the ship 
Flats, were at Sea cleare off the flats. The fifteenth day by great 

industrie and travell they got their ship cleare off the 
shoales and flats, wherewith they had beene troubled from 



the ninth day untill then : they were forced to passe their 
ship in three foot water or lesse. The sixteenth day they 
came to the Chetera Bougori, or Hand of foure Hillockes, Chetera 
which are counted fortie verstes from Uchoog, and are the Bougm. 
furthest Land towards the Sea. The seventeenth day The Caspian 
they bare off into the Sea, and being about twelve verstes ^^^• 
from the Foure hillockes, riding in five foot and a halfe 
water about eleven of the clocke in the fore-noone, they 
tooke their goods out of the Pavoses into the ship, and 
filled their ship with all things necessarie. The eighteenth 
day in the morning about seven of the clocke, the Pavoses 
being discharged departed away towards Astracan, the 
vrinat then at South-east, they rode still with the ship, 
and observing the elevation of the Pole at that place, 
found it to be 45. degrees 20. minutes. The nineteenth 45- *^^i' *o- 
day, the winde South-east, they rode still. The twentieth ^^^'' 
day, the winde at North-west, they set sayle about one oi^^grvation in 
of the clocke in the morning, and steered thence South the Caspian 
by West, and South South-west, about three leagues, and Sea. 
then anchored in sixe foot and a halfe water, about nine of [III. H. 245.] 
the clocke before noone, at which time it fell calme : the 
elevation of the Pole at that place 45. degrees 13. minutes. 
The one and twentieth, having the winde at North-west, 
they set sayle, and steered thence South by West, and 
South untill eleven of the clocke, and had then nine foote 
water : and at noone they observed the latitude, and found 
it to bee 44. degrees 47. minutes: then had they three 
fathoms and a halfe water, being cleare off the flats. It is 
counted from the Foure hillockes to the Sea about fiftie 
verstes. From the said noone-tide untill foure of the 
clocke, they sayled South by East five leagues and a halfe : 
then had they five fathoms and a halfe, and brackish Brackish 
water: from that till twelve at night they sayled South ^^^^rfarre 
bv East halfe a league. East ten leagues: then had they '^'^^''^^^'^' 
eleven fathoms, and the water Salter. From that till the 
two and twentieth day three of the clocke in the morning, 
they sayled three and fiftie leagues, then had they sixteene 
fathoms water: from thence they sayled untill noone 



43- degrees 
15. minutes. 

41. degrees 
32. minutes. 

40. degrees 
54. minutes. 


South and by West seven leagues and a halfe, the latitude 
then observed 43. degrees 15. minutes, the depth then 
eight and twentie fathoms, and shallow ground : fix)m 
that untill eight of the clocke at night, they sayled South 
by East five leagues and a halfe, then had they three and 
fortie fethoms shallow ground. From thence till the three 
and twentieth at foure of the clocke in the morning, they 
sayled South South-west three leagues and a halfe : then 
could they get no ground in two and fiftie fethoms deepe. 
From thence until! noone they sayled South nine leagues, 
then the latitude observed, was 42. degrees 20. minutes. 
From that till the foure and twentieth day at noone, they 
sayled South by West seventeene leagues and a halfe, then 
the latitude observed, was one and fortie degrees two and 
thirtie minutes. From noone till seven of the clocke 
at night, they sayled South South-west foure leagues, then 
had they perfect sight of high Land or Hills, which were 
almost covered with Snow, and the midst of them were 
West fi-om the ship, being then about twelve leagues 
fi-om the neerest Land : they sounded but could finde no 
ground in two hundred fethoms. From thence they savled 
South-west untill mid-night : about three leagues from 
thence till the five and twentieth day, foure of the clocke 
in the morning, they sayled West three leagues, being then 
little winde, and neere the Land, they tooke in their sayles, 
and lay hulling : at noone the latitude observed, was 40. 
degrees 54. minutes: they sounded but could get no 
ground in two hundred fethoms. At foure of the clocke 
in the after-noone, the winde North-west, they set their 
sayles: and fi'om thence till the sixe and twentieth day 
at noone, they sayled East South-east foure leagues. 
From thence they sayled till eight of the clocke at night 
South-west three leagues, the winde then at North. From 
thence they sayled untill the seven and twentieth day two 
of the clocke in the morning, West South-west eight 
leagues, the winde blowing at North very much. From 
the said two till foure of the clocke, they sayled South 
by West one league : then being day light, they saw the 



Land plaine, which was not past three leagues from them, 
being very high ragged Land. There were certaine 
Rockes that lay farre ofF into the Sea, about five l^ues 
from the same Land, (which are called Barmake Tash) 
they sayled betweene those Rockes and the Land, and 
about five of the clocke they passed by the Port Bilbill, Bilbill. 
where they should have put in but could not : and bearing 
iongst the shoare about two of the clocke after noone, 
they came to Bildih in the Countrey of Media or Shervan, 
against which place they anchored in nine foot water. 
Presently after they were at anchor, there came aboord 
of them a Boat, wherein were seven or eight persons, 
two Turkes, the rest Persians, the Turkes vassals, which 
bade them welcome, and seemed to be glad of their arrivall, 
who told the Factors that the Turke had conquered all 
Media, or the Countrey Shervan, and how that the Turkes 
Basha remayned in Derbent with a Garrison of Turkes, 
and that Shamaky was wholly spoyled, and had few or no 
Inhabitants left in it. The Factors then being desirous 
to come to the speech of the Basha, sent one of the Tisikes 
(or Merchants that went over with them from Astracan, 
passingers) and one of the Companies servants Robert 
Golding, with those Souldiers, to the Captaine of Bachu, Bachu Port. 
which place standeth hard by the Sea, to certifie him of 
their arrivall, and what commodities they had brought, 
and to desire friendship to have quiet and safe trafficke 
for the same. Bachu is from Bildih, the place where they 
rode, about a dayes journey, on foot easily to be travelled, 
which may be sixe leagues the next way over Land : it 
is a walled Towne, and strongly fortified. When the said 
Messenger came to the Captaine of Bachu, the said 
Captaine gave him very friendly entertaynement. 

In the morning very early, hee sent Horse for the rest 
of the companie which should goe to Derbent, sending 
by them that went, ten Sheepe for the ship. Whilest 
they were at breakfast. Master TurnbuU, Master Tail- 
boyes, and Thomas Hudson the Master of the ship, came 
thither, and when they had all broken their fasts, they 




went to Bachu. And from Bachu they proceeded towards 
Derbent, as it was by the Captaine promised, being accom- 
panied on their way for their safe conduct, with a 
Gentleman, and certaine Souldiers, which had the Captaine 
of Bachu his Letters to the Basha of Derbent, very fhendly 
written in their behalfe. In their journey to Derbent they 
forsooke the ordinarie wayes, being very dangerous, and 
travelled thorow Woods till they came almost to the Townc 
of Derbent: and then the Gentleman rode before with 
the Captaines Letters to the Basha, to certifie him of the 
English Merchants comming, who receiving the Letters, 
and understanding the matter, was very glad of the newes, 
ntll. ii. 246.] and sent forth to receive them certaine Souldiers Gunners, 
f]L^T^7\ ^^^ "^^^ them about two miles out of the Towne, saluting 
intoDerhenu ^^^^ with great reverence, and afterwards rode before 
them: then againe met them other Souldiers, somewhat 
neerer the Castle, which likewise having done their salu- 
tations rode before them, and then came forth Noblemen, 
Captaines, and Gentlemen, to receive them into the Castle 
and Towne. As they entred the Castle, there was a shot 
of twentie Peeces of great Ordnance, and the Basha sent 
Master Turnbull a very faire Horse with furniture to 
mount on, esteemed to be worth an hundred Markes, 
and so they were convayed to his presence : who after he 
had talked with them, sent for a Coat of cloth of Gold, 
and caused it to be put on Master Turnbuls backe, and 
then willed them all to depart, and take their ease, for 
that they were wearie of their journey, and on the morrow 
he would talke further with them. The next day when 
the Factors came againe to the presence cf the Basha, 
according to his appointment, they requested him that 
he would grant them his priviledge, whereby they might 
trafficke safely in any part and place of his Countrey, 
offering him, that if it pleased his Majestie to have any 
of the commodities that they had brought, and to write 
his minde thereof to the Captaine of Bachu, it should be 
delivered him accordingly. The Bashaes answere was, that 
he would willingly give them his priviledge : yet for that 




he regarded their safety, having come so farre, and knowing 
the state of his Countrey to be troublesome, he would 
have them to bring their commoditie thither, and there 
to make sale of it, promising he would provide such 
commodities as they needed, and that he would be a 
defence unto them, so that they should not be injured 
by any: whereupon the Factors sent Thomas Hudson 
backe for the ship to bring her to Derbent. The latitude ThilatinuUof 
of Bildih bv divers observations is 40. deg. 25. m. the ^^'^^ 40-, 
variation or the Compas 10. deg. 40. min. from North ^£ *5- «f»- 
to West. They arrived at anchor against Derbent East -^^^ qq^_ 
and by South n-om the said Castle in foure fathom & a passe 10. deg. 
halfe water, the two and twentieth of June at ten of the 40- «»^'»- 
dock in the morning : then they tooke up their Ordnance, 
which before they had stowed in hold for easing the ship 
ia her rolling. In the afternoone the Basha came down 
to the water side against the ship, and having the said 
Ordnance placed, and charged, it was all shot off to gratifie 
him : and presently after his departure backe, he permitted 
the Factors to come aboord the ship. The nine and 
twentieth day their goods were unladen, and carried to 
the Bashaes Garden, where hee made choice of such things 
as he liked, taking for custome of every five and twentie 
Kersies, or whatsoever, one or after the rate of foure for 
the hundred. The Factors after his choice made, deter- 
mined to send a part of the rest of the goods to Bachu, 
for the speedier making sale thereof. They departed from 
Derbent with the said Barke the nineteenth of July, and 
arrived at Bildih the five and twentieth day. Robert 
Golding desirous to understand what might bee done at 
Shamaky, which is a dayes journey from Bachu, went 
thither, from whence returning, he was set on by theeves, 
and was shot into the knee with an Arrow, who had very 
hardly escaped with his life and goods, but that by good 
hap he killed one of the theeves Horses with a Caliver, 
and shot a Turke thorow both cheekes with a Dag. On 
the sixt day of August, the Factors being advertised at 
Derbent that their ship was so rotten and weake, that it 




was doubtful! shee would not carrie them backe to Astra- 
can, did thereupon agree and bargaine at that place with 
an Armenian, whose name was Jacob, for a Barke called 
a Busse, being of burden about five and thirtie tunnes, 
which came that yeere fi-om Astracan, and was at that 
Zen lland. instant riding at an Hand called Zere, about three or foure 
leagues beyond, or to the Eastward of Bildih, which Barke 
for their more safety, they meant to have with them in 
their returne to Astracan, and thereupon wrote unto 
WincoU and the rest at Bachu, that they should receive 
the same Busse, and lade in her their goods at Bildih, to 
be returned to Derbent, and to discharge their first Boat, 
which was observed by them accordingly. When all their 
goods were laden aboord the said Busse at Bildih, and 
being readie to have departed thence for Derbent, there 
The EngRsh arose a great storme with the winde out of the Sea, by 
^^'' force whereof the Cables and Halsers were broken, and 

/ tpwrac e. ^j^^j^ Vessell put ashoare, and broken to pieces against the 
Rockes: every of them that were in her saved their 
lives, and part of the goods. But there was a Carobia 
or Chist, wherein were Dollers, and Gold, which they 
had received for the commodities of the Companie, which 
they sold at Bachu, which at the taking out of the Busse, 
fell by the Barkes side into the water amongst the Rockes, 
and so was lost. The packes of Cloth which they could 
not well take out of the Busse were also lost : other things 
that were more profitable they saved. 

The third day of October all things were brought from 
the shoare aboord the ship : and that day the Factors went 
to the Basha to take their leave of him, unto whom they 
recommended those the Companies servants. Sec. which 
they had sent to Bachu, making account to leave them 
behind in the Countrey: who caused their names to be 
written, and promised they should want nothing, nor be 
injured of any. After this leave taken, the Factors went 
aboord, purposing presently to have set sayle and departed 
towards Astracan, the winde serving well for that purpose 
at South South-east : And as they were readie to set sayle, 




there came against the ship a man, who weved : whereupon 

the Boat was sent ashoare to him, who was an Armenian 

sent from William WincoU, with his writing tables, 

wherein the said Wincoll had written briefly, the mis-hap 

of the losse of the Busse, and that they were comming 

from Bildih towards Derbent, they, and such things as [III. ii. 247.] 

they saved with a small Boat, forced to put ashoare in a 

place by the Sea side called the Armenian Village : Where- The Armenian 

upon the Factors caused the ship to stay, hoping that ^^^^^^' 

with the Southerly winde that then blew, they would 

come from the place they were at to the ship, but if they 

could not come with that winde, they meant to sayle with 

the ship, with the next wind that would serve them, against 

the place where they were, and take them in, if they 

could : which stay and losse of those Southerly winds, was 

a cause of great troubles, that they afterwards sustayned 

through Ice, Sec. entring the Volga as shall be declared. 

The latitude of Derbent (by divers Observations exactly ^^ laHtude 
there made,) is fortie one degrees fiftie two minutes. The j^^g^f^^^^' 
variation of the Compasse at that place about eleven minutes, 
degrees from North to West. From Derbent to Bildih The variation 
by Land fortie sixe leagues. From Derbent to Shamaky of the 
by Land, fortie five leagues. From Shamaky to Bachu, ^^^P^"^- 
about ten leagues, which may bee thirtie miles. From 
Bachu to Bildih five or sixe leagues by Land, but by water 
about twelve leagues. From the Castle Derbent East- 
wards, there reach two stone wals to the border of the 
Caspian Sea, which is distant one English mile. Those 
wals are nine foot thicke, and eight and twentie or thirtie 
foot high, and the space betweene them is one hundred 
and sixtie Geometricall paces, that is, eight hundred foot. 
There are yet to bee perceived of the rume of those wals, 
which doe now extend into the Sea about halfe a mile : 
also from the Castle West-ward into the Land, they did 
perceive the mines of a stone wall to extend, which wal, 
as it is reported, did passe from thence to Pontus Euxinus, 
& was built by Alexand. the great, when the castle Derbent 
was made. 




The fift of October about noone, the winde North 
North-east they weighed Anchor, and set sayle from 
Derbent, being alongst the Coast to the South-wards to 
seeke their men : but as they had sailed about foure leagues 
the winde scanted Easterly, so that they were forced to 
Anchor in three fethome water. 

The seventh day about seven of the clocke in the 
morning, they set sayle, the wind South-west. They 
considered the time of the yeare was farre spent, the ship 
weake, leake, and rotten, and therefore determining not 
to tarry any longer for Wincoll and his fellowes, but to 
leave them behmd, bent themselves directly towards 
Astracan : and sayling North North-east untill mid-night 
about sixteene leagues, the wind then came to the North 
North-west, and blew much, a very storme, which caused 
them to take in all their Sayles, saving the fore Corse, 
with which they were forced to steere before the Sea, South 
by West, and South South-west. And on the eight day 
about two of the clocke in the morning, their great Boat 
sunke at the ships sterne, which they were forced to cut 
from the ship to their great griefe and discomfort : for in 
her they hoped to save their lives if the ship should have 
miscarried. About ten of the clocke before noone, they 
had sight of the Land about five leagues to the South of 
Derbent, and bare alongst the Coast to the South-east- 

Nezavoo. wards unto Nezavoo, where they came at Anchor in three 
fethomes, and blacke Ozie, good Anchor hold, whereof 
they were glad, as also that the winde was shifted to the 
North-west, and but a meane gale. Wincoll and the rest 
of his fellowes being in the Armenian Village, which is 
about eighteene Versts to the West-wards of Nezavoo, 
the place where against they rode at Anchor, saw the ship 
as she passed by that place, and sent a man in the night 
following alongst the Coast after her, who came against 
the ship where shee rode, and with a fire-brand in the top 
of a Tree made signes, which was perceived by them in 
the ship, whereupon they hoysed out their SkiiFe, and 
sent her ashoare to learne what was meant by the fire: 




wiich returned a Letter from Wincoll, wherein he wrote 
tbsit they were with such goods as they had at the Armenian 
Yilhge, and prayed that there they might with the same 
goods bee taken into the ships. 

The tenth day they sent their SkifFe to the Armenian Theparticu- 
Village to fetch those men and the goods they had, with ^rs of their 
order that if the winde served, that they could not returne ^^^-^^^^ 
to fetch the ship, they of the ship promised to come for 
them, against the said Village. But in their want God ^ Strang 
sent them two Covies of Partridges, that came from the ^^*^J ^f 
shoare, and lighted in and about their ships, whereby they tk^ir^^iufe, 
were comforted, and one that lay sicke, of whose life was 
small hope, recovered his health. 

Pavoses were sent from Astracan, in which they laded 
the ships goods, leaving her at Anchor with Russes to 
keepe her. 

The thirteenth of November they departed also in those 
Lighters, with the goods towards the Chetera Bougori, 
leaving the ship at Anchor, and in her two Russes, which 
with three more that went in the Pavoses to provide 
victuals for themselves and the rest, and therewith 
promised to returne backe to the ship with all speed, had 
offered to undertake for twentie Rubbles in Money, to 
Carrie the ship into some Harbour, where shee might 
safely winter, or else to keepe her where she rode all 
Winter, which was promised to bee given them if they 
did it : and the same day when with those Lighters they 
had gotten sight of the foure Hands, being about eight 
Vcrstes South-west from them, the wind then at North- 
cast, did freese the Sea so as they could not row, guide, 
stirre, or remove the said Lighters, but as the wind and 
Ice did force them. And so they continued driving with 
the Ice, South-east into the Sea by the space of fortie 
faoures, and then being the sixteenth day, the Ice stood. 
Whiles they drove with the Ice, the dangers which they [III. ii. 248.] 
incurred were great: for oftentimes, when the Ice with 
force of wind and Sea did breake, pieces of it were tossed 
and driven one upon another with great force, terrible to 




Travell upon 
the Ice. 



behold, and the same happened at sometimes so necre 
unto the Lighters, that they expected it would have over- 
whelmed them to their utter destruction: but God who 
had preserved them from many perils before, did also save 
and deliver them then. 

Within three or foure dayes after the first standing of 
the Ice, when it was firme and strong, they tooke out all 
their goods, being fortie and eight Bales or Packcs of 
Raw Silke, &c. laid it on the Ice, and covered the same 
with such provisions as they had. Then for want of 
victuals, &c. they agreed to leave all the goods there upon 
the Ice, and to goe to the shoare: and thereupon bndce 
up their Chests and Corobias, wherewith, and with such 
other things as they could get, they made Sleds for every 
of them to draw upon the Ice, whereon they layed their 
clothes to keepe them warme, and such victuals as they 
had, and such other things as they might conveniently 
Carrie, and so they departed from the said goods and 
Pavoses very early, about one of the clocke in the morning, 
and travelling on the Ice, directed their way North, as 
neere as they could judge, and the same day about two 
of the clocke in the after-noone, they had sight of the 
Chetera Babbas (foure Hillocks of Hands so called) unto 
the same they directed themselves, and there remavned 
that night. The goods and Pavoses which they left on 
the Ice, they judged to be from those Chetera Babbas, 
about twentie Versts. And the next morning departed 
thence East-wards, and came to the Chetera Bougories (or 
foure Hands before spoken of) before noone (the distance 
betweene those places is about fifteene Versts) where they 
remained all that night, departing thence towards Astra- 
can: the next morning very early they lost their way 
through the perswasion of the Russes which were with 
them, taking to much towards the left hand (contrary to 
the opinion of Master Hudson) whereby wandering upon 
the Ice foure or five dayes, not knowing whethw* they 
were entred into the Crimme Tartars I^nd or not, at 
length it fortuned they met with a way that had becne 




traveUed, which crost back-wards towards the Sea: that 

way they tooke, and following the same, within two dayes 

travell it brought them to a place, called the Crasnoyare 

(that is to say, in the English Tongue) Red CliiFe, which 

divers of the company knew. 

There they remayned that night, having nothing to eate 
but one Loafe of Bread, which they happened to find with 
the two Russes that were left in the ship, to keepe her 
all the Winter (as is aforesaid) whom they chanced to 
meet going towards Astracan, about five miles before 
they came to the said Crasnoyare, who certified them that The EngRsh 
the ship was cut in pieces with the Ice, and that they ship cut in 
had haixi scaping with their lives. piecesmthUe 

In the morning they departed early from Crasnoyare 
tcywards the Ouchooge, and about nine of the clocke before 
noone, being within ten Versts of the Uchooge, they met 
Amos Riall, with the Carpenter, which he found at 
Ouchooge, and a Gunner newly come out of England, 
and also sixtie five Horses with so many Cassacks to guide 
them, and fiftie Gunners for guard, which brought pro- 
vision of victuals, &c. and were sent by the Duke to fetch 
the goods to Astracan. The meeting of that company 
was much joy unto them. 

The Factors sent backe with Amos Riall, and the said 
ccmipany to fetch the goods, Thomas Hudson the Master, 
Tobias Paris his Mate, and so they the said Factors and 
their company marched on to the Uchooge, where they 
refreshed themselves that day, and the night following. December, 
And from thence proceeded on towards Astracan, where 
Aey arrived the last day of November. These that went 
for the goods after their departure from the Factors, 
travelled the same day untill they came within ten Versts 
of the Chetera Babbas, where they rested that night. The 
next morning by the breake of the day they departed 
thence, and before noone were at the Chetera Babbas, 
where they stayed all night ; but presently departed thence 
Thomas Hudson with the Carpenter and Gunner to seeke 
where the goods lay : who found the same, and the next 




day they returned backe to their company at the Chetera 
Babbas, and declared unto them in what sort they had 
found the said goods. 

The third day early in the morning, they departed all 

from the foure Babbas towards the said goods, and the 

same day did lade all the goods they could finde upon 

the said sleds, and withall convenient speed returned backe 

towards Astracan. And when they came to the Chetera 

Bougori, where they rested the night, in the morning very 

Assaulted by early before the breake of day, they were assaulted by t 

Tartars. great company of the Nagays Tartars Horse-men, which 

came shouting and hallowmg with a great noyse, but our 

people were so invironed with the sleds, that they durst 

not enter upon them, but ranne by, and shot their Arrowcs 

amongst them, and hurt but one man in the head, who was 

a Russe, and so departed presently. Yet when it was day, 

they shewed themselves a good distance off from our men, 

being a very great troope of them, but did not assault 

them any more. The same day our men with those 

Their retume carriages, departed from thence towards Astracan, where 

to Astracan. ^j^gy arrived in safetie the fourth of December, about three 

of the clock in the after-noone, where our people greatly 

rejoyced of their great good hap to have escaped so many 

hard events, troubles and miseries, as they did in that 

Voyage, and had great cause therefore to prayse the 

Almightie, who had so mercifully preserved and delivered 

[III. ii. 249.] them. They remayned the Winter at Astracan, where 

they found great fevour and friendship of the Duke, 

Captaine, and other chiefe Officers of that place: but 

that Winter there hapned no great matter, worth the 


The breaking Jn the Spring of the yeere 1581. about the midst of 

up of the Ice. March, the Ice was broken up, and cleare gone before 




A Letter of Master Henrie Lane to the worshipfull 
Master William Sanderson, containing a briefe 
discourse of that which passed in the North- 
cast discoverie, for the space of three and thirtie 

■■■Aster Sanderson, as you lately requested me, so 
IHI have I sought, and though I cannot finde some 
B"" things that heretofore I kept in writing, and lent 
<mt to others, yet perusing at London copies of mine old 
Letters to content one that meaneth to pleasure many, 
I have briefly and as truely as I may, drawne out as 
feUoweth: The rough hewing may bee planed at your 
leasure, or as pleaseth him that shall take the paines. 

First, the honourable attempt to discover by Sea North- 
CMt and North-west named for Cathay, being chiefly 
procured by priviledge from King Edward the sixt, and 
other his Nobilitie, by and at the cost and sute of Master 
Sebastian Cabota, then Governour for Discoveries, with 
Sir Andrew Judde, Sir George Barnes, Sir William 
Garrard, Master Anthony Hussie, and a companie of Anno 1553. 
I Merchants, was in the last yeere of his Majesties raigne. Master 

1553. The generall charge whereof was committed to ^l^^^^^/^' 
I one Sir Hugh Willoughbie Knight, a goodly Gentleman, thwyoungy 
\ accompanied with sufficient number of Pilots, Masters, and with his 
\ Merchants, and Marriners, having three Ships well brother in this 
\ famished, to wit. The Bona Speran^a, the Edward ■>^'"'' ^^^^''• 
[ Bonaventure, and the Confidentia. The Edward Bona- 
vcnture, Richard Chancelor being Pilot, and Steven 
Burrough Master, having discovered Ward-house upon 
the Coast of Finmark, by storme or fogge departed from 
the rest, found the Bay of Saint Nicholas, now the chiefe 
Port of Russia, there wintred in safetie, and had ayde 
[ of the people at a Village called Newnox. Newnox is 

\ The other two ships attempting further Northwards -{"^'^ 'J^.^^^^^ 
I (as appeared by Pamphlets found after written by Sir westward '^^. 
; Hugh Willoughbie) were in September encountred with miles, 
xn 49 D 


such extreame cold, that they put backe to seeke a wintring 
place : and missing the said Bay fell upon a desart Coast 
in Lappia, entring into a River immediately fix)zen up, 
since discovered, named Arzina Reca, distant East from 
a Russian Monasterie of Monkes called Pechingho, from 
whence they never returned, but all to the number of 
seventie persons perished, which was for want of experience 
l^ote. to have made Caves and Stoves. These were found with 

the Ships the next Summer, Anno 1554. by Russe- 
fishermen: and in Anno 1555. the place sent unto by 
English Merchants, as hereafter appeareth. 
^»wi554. Anno 1554. the said ship Edward Bonaventurc 
(although robbed homewards by Flemings) returned 
with her companie to London, shewing and setting foorth 
their entertainments and discoverie of the Countries, even 
to the Citie of Mosco, from whence they broi^ht a 
priviledge written in Russe with the Kings or great Dukes 
seale, the other two ships looked for and unknowne to 
them where they were. 
^«w 1555. Anno 1555. the said companie of Merchants for a 
discoverie upon a new supply, sent thither againe with 
two Ships, to wit, the Edward Bonaventure, and another 
The King and bearing the name of the King and Queene, Philip and 
Queenes Marie, whose Majesties by their Letters to the said 

eturs, Muscovite, recommended sundry their subjects then 

passing, whereof certaine, to wit, Richard Chancelor, 
George Killingworth, Henrie Lane, and Arthur Edwards, 
after their arrivall at the Bay, and passing up Dwina to 
Nologda, went first up to Mosco, where, upon knowledge 
of the said Letters, they with their trayne had spedall 
entertainment, with houses and dyet appointed, and shortly 
permitted to the Princes presence, they were with Gentle- 
men brought through the Citie of Mosco, to the Castk 
and Palace, replenished with numbers of people, and some 
gunners. They entred sundry roomes, furnished in shew 
with ancient grave personages, all in long garments of 
sundry colours, Gold, Tissue, Baldekin, and Violet, as 
our Vestments and Copes have beene in England, sutable 



with Caps, Jewels, and Chaines. These were found to 
bee no Courtiers, but ancient Muscovites, Inhabitants, 
and other their Merchants of credit, as the manner 
is, furnished thus from the Wardrobe and Treasurie, 
waiting and wearing this apparell for the time, and 
so to restore it. 

Then entring into the Presence, being a large roome Entertainment 
floored with Carpets, were men of more estate, and richer h ^^ ^«^^- 
shew, in number above one hundred set square : who after 
the said English-men came in, doing reverence, they all 
stood up, the Prince onely sitting, and yet rising at any 
cxxasion, when our King and Queenes names were read 
or spoken. Then after speeches by interpretation, our 
men kissing his hand, and bidden to dinner, were stayed 
in another roome, and at dinner brought through, where 
might bee seene massie silver and gilt Plate, some like 
and as bigge as Kilderkins, and Wash-bowles, and entring 
the Dining place, being the greater roome, the Prince was 
set bare-headed, his Crowne and rich Cap standing upon 
a pinacle by. Not farre distant sate his Metropolitan, 
with divers other of his kindred, and chiefe Tartarian 
Captaines; none sate over against him, or any, at other 
Tables, their backes towards him: which tables all fur- [III. ii. 250.] 
nished with ghests set, there was for the English-men, 
named by the Russes, Ghosti Carabelski, to wit, Strangers 
or Merchants by ship, a table in the midst of the roome, 
where they were set direct against the Prince : and then 
b^an the service, brought in by a number of his young 
Lords and Gentlemen, in such rich attire, as is above 
^lecified : and still from the Princes table (notwithstanding 
their owne furniture) they had his whole messes set over 
all in massie fine Gold, delivered every time from him 
by name to them, by their severall Christian names, as 
they sate, viz. Richard, George, Henrie, Arthur. Like- 
wise Bread and sundry drinkes of purified Mead, made 
of fine white and clarified Honey. At their rising, the 
Prince called them to his table, to receive each one a Cup 
fix)m his hand to drinke, and tooke into his hand Master 



beard of a 

Anno 1556. 
the disastrous 


George Killingworths beard, which reacheth over the table, 
and pleasantly delivered it the Metropolitane, who seeming 
to blesse it, said in Russe, This is Gods gift. As indeed 
at that time it was not onely thicke, broad, and yellow 
coloured, but in length five foote and two inches of assize. 
Then taking leave, being night, they were accompanied 
and followed with a number, carrying pots of drinke, and 
dishes of meate dressed, to our lodging. 

This yeere the two Ships, with the dead bodyes of Sir 
Hugh Willoughbie, and his people, were sent unto by 
Master Killingworth, (which remayned there in Mosco 
Agent almost two yeeres) and much of the goods and 
victuals were recovered and saved. 

Anno 1556. The Companie sent two Ships for Russia, 
with extraordinarie Masters and Saylers to bring home the 
two ships, which were frozen in Lappia, in the river of 
Arzina aforesaid. The two ships sent this yeere from 
England sayling from Lapland to the Bay of Saint 
Nicholas, tooke in lading with passengers, to wit, a Russe 
Ambassadour, named Joseph Napea, and some of his men 
shipped with Richard Chancelor in the Edward. But so 
it fell out that the two which came from Lappia, with all 
their new Master and Marriners, never were heard of, 
but in foule weather, and wrought Seas, after their two 
yeeres wintring in Lapland, became, as is supposed, 
unstanch, and sunke, wherein were drowned also divers 
Russes Merchants, and servants of the Ambassadour. A 
third ship the Edward aforesaid, falling on the North 
part of Scotland, upon a rocke was also lost, and Master 
Chancelor with divers other, drowned. The said Russe 
Ambassadour hardly escaping, with other his men, Mar- 
riners, and some goods saved, were sent for into Scotland, 
from the King, Queene, and Merchants, (the messenger 
being Master Doctor Laurence Hussie, and others:) And 
then, as in the Chronicles appeareth, honorably enter- 
tayned and received at London. 

This yeere also the company furnished and sent out a 
Pinnesse, named the Serchthrift, to discover the Har- 



borowes in the North coast from Norway to Wardhouse, 
and so to the Bay of Saint Nicholas. There was in her 
Master and Pilot, Stephen Borough, with his brother Stephen 
William, and eight other. Their discoverie was beyond Borough, 
the Bay, toward the Samoeds, people dwelling neere the 
River of Ob, and found a sound or sea with an Island 
called Vaigats, first by them put into the Card or Map. 
In that place they threw Snow out of their said Pinnesse, 
with shovels in August, by which extremitie, and 
lacke of time, they came backe to Russia, and wintred at 

Anno 1557. The companie with foure good Ships, Annoissy. 
sent backe the said Russe Ambassadour, and in companie 
with him, sent as an Agent, for further discoverie. Master Boghar 
Antonie Jenkinson, who afterward Anno 1558. with great ^^^g^- 
favour of the Prince of Muscovia, and his letters, passed 
the river Volga to Cazan, and meaning to seeke Cathay 
by Land, was by many troupes and companies of uncivill 
Tartarians encountred, and in danger : but keeping com- 
panie with Merchants of Bactria, or Boghar, and Urgeme, 
travelling with Camels, he with his companie, went to 
Boghar, and no further : whose entertainment of the King 
is to be had of Master Jenkinson, which returned Anno 
1559. to Muscovie. And in Anno 1560. hee, with Muscovie 
Henrie Lane, came home into England : which yeere was ^^'^ ^^Z 
the first safe returne, without losse or shipwracke, or dead ^{^1^^^*^' 
fi^ight, and burnings. And at this time was the first Thefirsttrade 
trafiScke to the Narve in Livonia, which confines with to the Narve, 
Lituania, and all the Dominions of Russia: and the ^S^o- 
Markets, Faires, Commodities, great Townes and Rivers, 
were sent unto by divers servants : the reports were taken 
by Henrie Lane, Agent, and delivered to the companie, 
1 56 1. The trade to Rie, and Revel, of old time hath 
beene long since frequented by our English Nation, but 
this trade to the Narve was hitherto concealed from us by 
the Danskers and Lubeckers. 

Anno 1 56 1, the said Master Antonie Jenkinson went 
Agent into Russia, who the next yeere after, passing all 



the river of Volga to Astracan, and over the Caspian sea, 
arrived in Persia, and opened the trade thither. 

Also betweene the yeeres of 1568. and 1573. sundry 

Voyages after Master Jenkinsons, were made by Thomas 

Alcockslaine Alcock, Arthur Edwards, Master Thomas Banister, and 

%^n'7t^d d ^^^^^^ Geffrey Ducket, whose returne (if spoyle neere 

inUedia?^ Volga had not prevented by roving Theeves) had 

Edwards dyed altogether salved and recovered the Companies (called the 

at Astracan. old Companies) great losse, charges, and damages: But 

the saying is true. By unitie small things grow great, and 

by contention great things become small. This may bee 

understood best by the Companie. The frowardnesse of 

some few, and evill doing of some unjust Factors, was 

cause of much of the evill successe. 

Arthur Edwards was sent againe 1579. and dyed in 
the voyage at Astracan. About which matters, are to 
bee remembred the Voyages of Master Thomas Randolph 
Esquire, Ambassadour Anno 1567. And late of Sir 
Jerome Bowes, Anno 1583. both tending and treating for 
further Discoveries, Freedomes, and Priviledges, where- 
with I meddle not. But in conclusion, for their paines 
[III. ii. 251.] and adventures this way (as divers doe now adayes other 
wayes) as worthie Gentlemen sent from Princes, to doc 
their Countrey good, I put them in your memorie, with 
my heartie farewell. From Saint Margarets neere Dart- 
forth in Kent. 

To the Reader. 

I Have had much trouble to give thee this Authour, both 
for his Language, being Portugall (which for this, and 
some other parts of this worke, I was forced to get as I 
could) and tor the raritie of his Relations, seeming both 
in themselves so stupendious, and not seconded in many 
things, that I say not contraried, by other Authours. 
Besides his booke came not out, till himselfe was gone 
out of the world. I answere, that Ricius the Jesuitc 
his Relations came not to us, till himselfe was likewise 
gone ; and that that might rather plead not oncly for the 



Maturitie, but the sinceritie, by that Cassian rule, Cui 
bono; for whom should a dead man flatter, or for what 
should hee lye ? Yea, hee little spares his owne companie 
and Nation, but often and eagerly layeth open their vices : 
and which is more, I finde in him little boasting, except 
of other Nations; none at all of himselfe, but as if he 
intended to expresse Gods glorie, and mans merit of 
nothing but miserie. And howsoever it seemes incredible 
to remember such infinite particulars as this Booke is full 
of, yet an easie memorie holdeth strong impressions of 
good or bad: Scribunt in marmore laesi, is said of one; 
and of the other. Omnia quae curant senes meminerunt. 
Neither is it likely but that the Authour wrote Notes, 
which in his manifold disadventures were lost otherwise, 
but by that writing written the firmer in his memorie, 
especially new whetted, filed, forbushed with so many 
companions of miserie, whom in that state, Haec olim 
meminisse juvabat; their best musicke in their chaines 
and wandrings being the mutuall recountings of things 
seene, done, suffered. More marvell it is, if a lyar, that 
he should not forget himselfe, and contradict his owne 
Relations; which somtimes he may seeme to doe in the 
numbers of the yeere of the Lord ; yea, and other num- ^otefir num- 
bers: but his leaves were left unperfect at his death, and \u ir^^^ 
those numbers perhaps added by others after : and besides, ^j^ ^^ 
mine owne experience hath often found figures mistaken easil^y how 
from my hand, which being by the Compositor set at dangerously 
large, have runne at large by ten times so much ; and %"^r^^' 
girt in otherwhiles as narrow with the tenth place by those words 
diminished, or one figure set for another. And none but ofhisyJbL 
the Authour, or he which knowes the subject, can easily 122. ^/Wj 
amend that fault, being so great by so small and easie a ^^ ^onfesso 
lapse. The graduations of places I doe confesse otherwise ^*^j^"{^ ^g 
then in the Jesuites, and as I suppose not so truely as saber W 
theirs : for I thinke that he neither had Arte * or Instru- engmbopara 
ment to calculate the same, but contented himselfe in the daraentender 
writing of this Booke to looke into the common Maps ^^^^^a^s^ 
of China, and to follow them in setting downe the degrees, ^aos \3c. 


False gradua- and SO the blind led the blind into errour ; no printed 

titmsacom- Map that I have seene being true. And perhaps the 

IdapsofEast Chronicler to whom the papers were brought unfinidied 

and West might out of those Maps doe it ; erring either of igMr- 

Indies, ance, or (which we have often seene in Cards of remote t 

places East and West) purposely, to conceale from others 

that which they have found sweet and gainful!; the 

Mariner and Merchant not looking with the generous 

eyes of the ingenious, ingenuous Scholer. 

For his repute at home; it was dedicated to Kiif[ 
Philip the Third of Spaine, which impudence would not 
have obtruded (if altogether a tale) on such Majestie; 
licenced by the Holy Office, and printed at Lisbon ; traos- 
lated into the Spanish by the Licentiate, Francisco dc 
Herrera Maldonado, Canon of the Church Riall of Arbas, 
and dedicated to a Clergie-man Severin de Faria, Printed 
1620. at Madrid (and small credit it had beene to tfcc 
House of the Farias, that one of them should pubM 
in Portugall, and in Castile to another should be dedicated) 
a frivolous tale and devised foolerie.) I adde also tfce 
Authours stile so religious, and his often protestatiom: 
his credit, as Herrera reporteth with King Philip Ae 
Second, who spent much time in discourse with him about 
these things. I might adde the Spanish Trandatots 
Apologie at large, and out of him Fr. Andrada Ae 
Portugall Chroniclers testimonie. 

If this move thee not to beleeve, yet beleeve thus much, 
that I have no minde to deceive thee, but give thee whet 
I found, onely much contracted, and not going all the 
way with our Authour, whose originall Booke is above 
one hundred and fiftie sheets of paper in folio, but cob- 
tented with his China and Tartaria Relations : that also 
too much, if not true. And yet I would not have an 
Authour rejected for fit speeches framed by the Writer, 
in which many Historians have taken libertie; no, if 
sometimes he doth mendacia dicere, so as he doth not 
mentiri ; that is, if he be so credulous to beleeve, or so 
improvident to proffer to others faith, probable ^Ishoods 



related by others (as I will not sweare but of himselfe 
hee might mistake, and by others be mis-led, the Chinois 
here nught in relating these rarities to him enlarge, and 
de magnis majora loqui) so as he still be religious in a 
just and true deliverie of what himselfe hath seene, and 
belye not his owne eyes: the former is rashnesse and 
distastfull, the later is dishonest and detestable. Once, 
the Sunne Rising hath found many worshippers, but the 
Westerne Sunne is neerer night : and neerer obscuritie and 
meannesse are our Westerne affaires then those China 
Raies of the East ; and wee were Backes and Owles not Valignanm a 
to beleeve a greater light then our selves see and use. peatJesuite 
All China Authours how diversified soever in their lines, "'^^f^^^ff 
yet concurre in a centre of Admiranda Sinarum, which ^^ 
if others have not so largely related as this, they may 
thanke God they payed not so deare a price to see them ; 
and for mee, I will rather beleeve (where reason evicts 
not an ejectione firma) then seeke to see at the Authours [III. ii. 252.] 
rate ; and if he hath robbed the Altars of Truth, as he did 
those of the Calempluy Idols, yet in Pequin equity we 
will not cut off the thumbs (according to Nanquin rigour) 
upon bare surmise without any evidence against him. 
However, cheaper I am sure he is by farre to thee then to 
mee, who would have been loth to be so true a labourer 
in a lying Authour, willingly or commonly (in my conceit) 
falsifying his owne sight, though perhaps not seldome 
deceived in things taken up on China mens trust, or entred 
into their China Bookes, such as he here often citeth. 
Men refuse not Silver for the Oare; gather the Rose 
notwithstanding the prickles; neglect not Harvest mixed 
with weeds, Wheat with the chafFe, Fruit for the shells, 
and hate not Honie for the Bees sting ; nor will I either 
in prodigalitie of faith beleeve all, or be so penurious as 
to reject most of that which here I present. Use thou 
thy freedome, and him at thy pleasure (I say not mee) 
and if thou wilt not pardon such a briefe collection, thou 
wouldst hardly give Castilian entertainement to all, and 
more then all, often yeelding bravadoes and enlarging 



floiirishes of stile, beyond a translation, as if his Authour 
had not said enough. The variety, if it had beene meerly 
devised, presents I know not how many entercourses as 
interludes of Comicke and Tragicke events, more worthie 
the reading then most in this kinde, and as fit to recreate : 
how much more, where veritie is (as I suppose) the ground 
and substance, though perhaps inlayed with other phan- 
tasies among. That the Jesuites in some things differ, 
is their authoritie against his, who as more learned and 
judicious, and longer experienced, might finde out some 
truths better then hee; as his various fortunes, and that 
time, might let him see many particularities which they 
could not, writing sixtie yeeres after. In many things 
they both agree : and Caspar de Cruz hath many the same 
things; and that his strange Relation of the Crosse in 
China and the Hungarian of the Mount Sinai, is delivered 
by Lucena, perhaps learned by some of His companie.; 
and these exceptions by mee mentioned, are ratliar 
praeoccupations of censorious judging my judgement, thw 
my judiciall sentence, which the judicious will suqpeodi 
and leave to better experience. Judicent posteri ; verittt 
Temporis filia. 




Chap. 11. 

Observations of China, Tartaria, and other Easterne 
parts of the World, taken out of Fernam Mendez 
Pinto his Peregrination. 

§. I. 

Mendez his many miserable adventures, his strange 
expedition with Antonio De Faria ; divers 
coasts visited, Pirats tamed, miseries suffered, 
glorie recovered. 

HErnam Mendez Pinto, borne at old Mon- 
temor in the Kingdome of Portugall, was 
placed in service at ten or twelve yeeres 
of age in Lisbon, the thirteenth of 
December, An. 1521. on the day of 
breaking the Scutchions, or publike 
mourning for King Emanuel. A yeere 
and halfe after he fled upon occasion of a sudden accident, 
and got aboord a Carvile which was taken by a French 
Pirat, which would have made sale of them at Larache to 
the Moores. But a fortnight after taking another Portu- 
gall ship comming from Saint Thome worth 40000. 
Duckets, they returned for France, carrying some with 
them for Sea service, the rest they set on shoare by night 
on the shoare of Melides, naked ; which came to Santiago 
de Cacem, where they were relieved. Thence he went 
to Setuval, and served Francisco de Faria a Gentleman 
belonging to the Master of Santiago, and after that was 
Page to the Master himselfe. But his meanes being 
short hee left his service. 

An. 1537. he went for India in a Fleet of five ships; 
the Admirall was Don Pedro de Sylva, sonne of Vasco * *See o/Gama 
da Gama (first Discoverer of the Indies, whose bones ^om.i.pag. 
he carried with him in the ship at his returne, which 




Straight of 
Mecca or the 
Red Sea. 

Fortresse In 
Socatora before 
the Arabs 

A Marty of 


Marty remnon 

non poena sed 


[III. ii. 253.] 

Xael or Jael 


were received by King Johns appointment in greater 
Funerall pompe, then had beene seene done to a Subject.) 
They arrived at Diu the fifth of September. Thence after 
seventeene dayes he went with two Foists for the Straight 
of Mecca, and came in sight of Ciiria Muria, and 
Abedalcuria, almost wracked with foxile weather, and com- 
ming to Sacotora, watered neere the Fortresse which 
Francisco d' Almeida first Vice-roy of India, had built, 
1507. Having received some refreshing of the Chris- 
tians there, they departed, and in the heighth of Masua 
tooke a ship, but five men being therein left of eightie ; 
one of which was the Captaine, a Renegado of Malorquy, 
who for love of a Moorish woman had denyed his Faith, 
and refusing to returne to Christianitie, notwithstanding 
all perswasions, wee bound him hand and foot, and threw 
him into Sea with a great stone tyed about his necke: 
The ship also sunke, and little was saved. 

They went to Arquico (then) in the Countrey of Preste 
John ; to deliver a letter to Aurique Barbosa, the Factor of 
Antonio Sylveira, sent three yeeres before by Nuno dc 
Cunha, who with fortie others escaped from the rebellion 
Xael, in which Dom Manoel de Meneses, with one 
hundred and sixtie Portugals were taken foure hundred 
thousand Duckets, and sixe Portugall Ships, which were 
those that Solyman Bassa A. 1538. brought with provision 
for his Armada to the siege of Diu; the King of Xael 
having sent them with sixtie Portugals for a Cairo 
present; the rest hee bestowed as almes on Mahomets 
house at Mecca. I with three others, were sent some 
dayes journeys into the Countrey to Barbosa, then in the 
Fort of Geleytor in guard of the Queene, mother of the 
Preste John, who wefcommed them, as the nightly dew to 
the flowerie Garden, and as Helena to Jerusalem, so were 
they (said she) to her eyes. 

But (to leave those things) he went thence to Ormus, 
and then to Goa; there offered his service to Pero dc 
Faria Captaine of Malaca, which entertained him. The 
occurrences of Bata, Achem, Aaru in Samatra, Queda in 





the continent, and his imployments in those parts, as also 
of Siaca, Paon, Patane, I omit. 

He saith that hee was wracked at Sea comming from 
Aaru; of eight and twentie, five onely escaping, two of 
which the Crocodiles devoured. Hee was taken and sold 
to a Moore, which carried him to Malaca. Thence Pero 
de Faria sent him to Patane in trade : from thence againe, 
imployed by Antonio de Faria to Lugor, Coia Acem a 
Guzarate Pirate set upon them, tooke, and killed all, 
Burall and Pinto only escaping, which leaping into the 
Sea were reserved by a Barke, and sent to Patane. Faria 
afraid to return to Malaca, where he was so indebted for 
those goods, vowed to be revenged of the Pirat. And by 
helpe of his friends armed a Junke with five & fifty 
Souldiers, of which I and Borall (extreamely both indebted 
and wounded) were. From Patane we set forth in May, 
1540, and to a Haven called Bralapisaon, some sixe Bralapisaon. 
leagues off the firme Land, where we found a Junke of 
the Lequios, bound for Siam with an Embassadour of 
Nautaquim de Lindau, Prince of the He of Tosa situate 
in six & thirty degrees, which seeing us come, hasted 
away with all speed. Faria sent a Chinese Pilot to them 
with faire offers of love and courtesie, who returned with 
a present, a rich Sword, and sixe and twentie Pearles in a 
Boxe of Gold, with this answer. That the time would 
come, when they should communicate with us in the Law 
of the true God of infinite mercy, who by his death had 
given life to all men, with a perpetuall inheritance in the 
house of the good : and hee beleeved that this should bee 
after the halfe of the halfe of time were past. Neither 
could Antonie de Faria returne any thing in recompence, 
they being gotten farre into the Sea. 

Heere wee watered, and after coasted to search the 
River of Pulo Cambim, which divides the Kingdome of 
Champaa, from the Seniorie of Camboia in the height of 
nine degrees. Thither we came in the end of May, and 
the Pilot went up the River three leagues, to a great 
Towne called Catimparu, where we stayed to take in pro- Catimparu, 


Tosa, Span 

A strange 




Lake Pinator. 


22. Millions 
Gold mineSf 
feT iron minds. 


Similau a 
Pirate taken. 


vision twelve dayes. Faria being ciirious, desired to 
know whence that River came, the originall thereof (they 
told him) was a Lake called Pinator, Eastward from that 
Sea, two hundred and sixtie leagues in the Kingdome of 
Quitirvan ; which Lake was compassed with high Hills, at 
the bottome of which, alongst the waters side, were eight 
and thirtie Townes, thirteene great, the rest small. One 
of these Great ones was named Xincaleu, where was a 
great Gold Mine, whence every day was taken a Barre 
and a halfe of Gold, which in our money amounteth by 
the yeere to two and twentie millions of Gold. Fourc 
Lords are sharers, and are still at warres for a singular 
proprietie. They said that one of these called Raiahitau, 
in the Court of his house in jarres, had set up to the ncckc 
in earth six hundred Bars of Gold in poulder, as good as 
that of Menancabo in Samatra ; and that if three hundred 
of our men were sent thither, with one hundred Calivers, 
they would without doubt become masters thereof. They 
said also that in Buaquirim, another of those Townes, yns 
a Rocke of Diamonas, better then those of Laue, and of 
Taniampura in the He of Java. 

Proceeding along the Coast of Champaa, from Pullo 
Cambim, we came to a shelfe called Saleyiacuu, and the 
next day to the River Toobasoy, in the mouth whereof a 
Junke passed by, to which we offered the courtesie of the 
Sea, and they in scorne made shew of a Negroes Buttockes, 
with many trumpets and other joUitie. Hence grew dis- 
pleasure : in the night three Barks came to assaile us, 
which we tooke, with the Captain, two Acheners, a Turkc, 
& the Negro. This Negro confessed himselfe a Christian, 
slave to Gasper de Mello a Portugall, whom that do^e 
(he pointed to the bound Captaine) slew two yeeres since 
in Liampoo, with sixe and twentie Portugals besides with 
him in the Ship. What said Faria, is this Similau? 
Yea, said he, and he had thought in so small a Barke, 
there had not beene above sixe or seven, and hee would 
have bound your hands and feet, and impaled you as hee 
served my master. Faria having served him and his with 



the same sauce, tooke the Junke, in which was thirtie six 
thousand Taeis of Japon Silver, which make fiftie foure 
thousand Cruzados or Duckets, besides much good 

Faria proceeded alongst the Coast of Champaa, and 
came to the River Tinacoru, by our men called Varella : 
into which enter the Ships of Siam and the Malaya Coast, 
which goe for China, and Truck for Gold, Calamba and 
Ivory, whereof that Kingdome hath store. Many Paraos 
or small Barkes came aboord us, and wondred to see white 
men with beards. They told him that if he would goe 
up the River to the Citie Pilaucacem, where the King 
resides, hee might in five dayes sell his goods : for great 
Merchants resorted thither from the Lauhos, and Pamaas, 
and Gueos. That River they said came from the Hill 
Moncalor, eightie leagues from that place, and beyond 
that Hill it is much larger, but shallower, in some places 
making shallow fields, where bred infinite store of Fowles 
which cover the ground, in such innumerable numbers, 
that two and fortie yeeres before they caused the King- 
dome of Chintaleuhos, (which is eight dayes journey) to 
be dispeopled. Beyond that Country of Birds, is another 
wilde and mountainous, where abide many creatures much 
worse then those Birds, Elephants, Rhinocerotes, Lions, 
Wilde-swine, BufFals, and Wilde-kine. In the midst of 
that Land or Kingdome (so it had beene in old time) is a 
great Lake, which the Natives call Cunebetee, others 
Chiammay, from which proceeds this river, with other 
three in great quantitie washing that land. That lake, as 
some write, containeth in circuit sixtie laons (each of 
which is three leagues) alongst which are Mines of Silver, 
Copper, Tinne, and Lead, carried thence by Merchants in 
Cafiks, with Elephants and Badas (Rhinocerotes) to the 
Kingdomes of Sornau, or Siam, Passiloco, Savady, Tangii, 
Prom, Calaminhan, and other Kingdomes. Being asked 
of the weapons of those Countries, they answered, That 
they have none but Poles burned, and short Crises of two 
spannes. They might not go up the River in lesse then 




Tinacoreuy or 
or Varella 
[III. ii. 254.] 



Cunebetee^ or 





Quiay Taiam, 
a Pirate, 

Mastangue his 


two months, or two and a halfe, by reason of the force of 
the water, which way downe, they might dispatch in eight 
or ten dayes. 

Faria going from thence, came to PuUo Champeiloo, 
an Hand not inhabited in fourteene degrees and twentie 
minutes, at the entrie of the Bay of Cauchin-China : and 
thence having fitted his Ordnance to Ainam, to seeke G>it 
Acem : and being come to Pullo Capas, a Fleet of fortie 
great Junkes, of two or three Deckes * a piece was scene 
in the River by Boralho, whom Faria had sent to discover, 
and after that another seeming two thousand saile great 
and small, and a walled Towne of some ten thousand 
houses. At his returne hee saw also one Junke in the 
Barre of the River at anchor, which seemed of another 
Coast. Faria supposed this last was of that Pyrat Coia 
Acem, which therefore hee assailed and tooke. One of 
the company was a Christian of Mount Sinai, named 
Tome Mostangue a Merchant, whose Barke Solyman 
Bassa had taken A. 1538. in the Port of Judaa, with seven 
others to be victuallers for his Armada of sixtie gallies, 
wherewith he was sent by the Great Turke, to restore 
Sultan Baadur to his Kingdome of Cambaya, whereof the 
Mogor had then dispossessed him, and to drive the 
Portugalls out of India. And when he demanded of the 
Turkes his freight, which they had promised, they tooke 
his wife and his daughter, and openly ravished them 
before his eyes; his sonne, which cried at that spectacle, 
they threw into the Sea bound hand and foot: and laid 
himselfe in yrons, tooke away his goods, worth about sixc 
thousand Duckets. His wife and daughter died, and hee 
as desperate leaped one night into the Sea, at the Bar of 
Diu, with a sonne which there hee had, and got to Surat, 
and came thrice to Malacca in a Ship of Garcia de Saa; 
whence by Stephen Gama he was sent for China, with 
Christovan Sardinha, Factor of Maluco ; whom riding at 
anchor in Cincapura Quiay Tayiam, Captaine of this 
Junke slew with six and twentie Portugals, and saved 
him alive because he was a Gunner. Faria cried out that 



c. 1540. 
he had heard of this Quiay Tayiam, that he had killed 
above one hundred Portugals, and spoiled them of one 
hundred thousand Cruzados, and that since he killed 
Sardinha, he caused himselfe to bee called by his name. 
Hee asked this Armenian where he was, hee shewed 
where he with sixe or seven others were hidden in the 
Junke. Faria went and opened the skuttle, and Taiam 
with his company began a new fight, killed two Portugals 
and seven boyes, and wounded twentie ; but in the end 
were slaine. Faria hasted away for feare of the Junkes 
in the River, and came to the Coast of Cauchin-China 
where he rifled this Junke, and found in her Spices and 
other goods, to the value of sixtie thousand Cruzados, 
besides Artillery, which the Pirate had taken out of the 
Ships of Sardinha, Oliveyra, and Matos. 

The next day hee set saile againe for Ainam, and by 
the way lighted on Boates fishing for Pearles, to whom Peark-fishen. 
they offered contract, who told them that Guamboy, a ^«^»«*^ 
Port somewhat before, (as in Cantan, Chincheo, Lamau, ^/J^^ J^ 
Comhay, Sumbor, and Liampoo, and other Coast Cities) China^ 
was a place of trade for strangers, and counselled him to Sonne of the 
goe thither : for there they had nothing but Pearles, which ^^^ titk of 
they fished for the treasvire of the Sonne of the Sunne, by ^china^ 
the command of the Tutan of Comhay, supreme Governor 
of all Cauchin-China. And that the law was, that if any 
Barke besides the appointed entred, it should bee bvirnt 
with all the people therein. And because hee was a 
stranger, it was best for him to saile away before 
Buhaquirijn the Mandarin, which was but seven leagues 
thence came: who had fortie great Junkes, with two 
thousand Mariners, and five thousand Souldiers ; and did 
abide there the sixe moneths of fishing, from March to 
August both included. They much marvelled at the 
Portugall fashion, having never seene any such men, and 
suspected them theeves, (they professing themselves 
Merchants of Siani) with gifts and courtesie they wonne ^^^^ ^ 
good estimation or these Fishers. One of these being great IhmdS. 
asked touching Aynam, answered, That it was once an from China. 

XII 65 £ 

c. 1540. 


absolute Kingdome governed by Prechau Gamu^ who 
dying without an heire there arose such contentions, that 
in foure yeeres and a halfe there dyed sixteen Lacasaas of 
metiy which are so many hundred thousands, whereby the 

[III. ii. 2 5 5.] Land was so dispeopled, that the Cauchin King made 
himselfe master thereof, with seven thousand Mogorcs, 
which the Tartar sent him from Tuymican, then the chiefe 
Citie of his Empire. Hee set over the same Hoyha 
Paguarol, who rebelled and made himselfe tributarie to the 
King of China, paying sixe hundred thousand Duckets, 
or foure hundred thousand Taeis yearely: and dying 
without heire, two hundred thirtie five yeares since, hec 
declared the King of China bis Successour : and so it hath 
continued. He counselled him not to goe to Aynam; 
because they were Dissemblers, nor would the Monson 
suffer him to go to Liampoo ; but to go to the good river 

Tanauqmr. Tanauquir, stil sounding as he went for the shodds ; there 
he should have sure Anchorage, and in little space hec 
might sell all his goods; where yet it was not safe bv 
reason of reasonlesse men to adventure his goods on Land. 
To that River we went, and in the mouth thereof not 
able to stemme the Current, two Junks assayled us, and 
their first Language was sixe and twentie Peeces of 
Ordnance: the Issue was, Faria tooke them both, most 
of their men being drowned or slaine, and found therein 
seventeene Christians Prisoners, by whom hee learned 
that the Captayne was a Rover which bare two names, 
one of a Christian, Francisco de Saa, the other of a Gentile, 
Necoda Xicaulem. Five yeares he had beene a Christian 
at Malaca ; Garcia de Saa Captayne of the Fortresse, in his 
Baptisme imparting his owne name to him, who married 
him to a Gentlewoman of Portugall. But hee gcnng, 
Anno 1 534. for Chincheo in a China Junke with twentie 
Portugals and his Wife, slue both her and them at Pulo 
Catan : and the next yearc took another Portugall Junke 
at Chincheo, which came from Sunda, and slue ten 
Portugals in her, and thence-forth practised Pyracie on 
Chineses, (as hee thought us to bee) and Portugals. The 





A Rene^uh 



c. 1540. 

goods of the two Junkcs amounted to fortie thousand 

Taeis, and scventeene Brasse Peeces. The Captayne of 

this place was in league with him, and shared a third of 

his Pyrades. Faria therefore went to another Port fortie 

leagues Eastward, called Mutipinan, wherein were many 

Merchants which came in Cafilas from the Land of the 

Lauhos, and Pafuaas, and Gueos with great store of silver. 

The current setting strong against us at the Rock of 

Tilauinera. Wee came to Mutipinan, and learned that MuHflnan. 

the River was deepe, the best in that Bay ; the people 

peaceable, that Merchants had come nine dayes before 

from the Kingdome of Benan in two Cafilas, each of five Benan. 

imndred Oxen, with store of Silver, Ivory, Waxe, 

; Benioyn, Gimfire, Gold in poulder, to buy Pepper, Drugs, 

■ and pearles of Aynam ; that they had not any Armada of 

\ great ships because the Wars which the Prechau (King) 

I of the Cauchins made were by land, that he abode at 

I Quangcpaaru, a Citie twelve dayes journy thence; that Quangepaaru. 

\ Ids Mynes yeelded him fifteene thousand Pikes of Silver, 

\ halfe of which by Divine Law belonged to the people, 

which had remitted it to him on condition to pay no other 

tributes, wherto the ancient Prechaus had sworne to 

keepe it, as long as the Sun should give light to the Earth. 

There hee sold a great part of his goods till newes of the 

Tanauquir Rover made them afraid to come aboard : so 

that he was forced to set saile. 

Thus after many dayes spent in this Bay of Cauchin- 
drina ; because Coia Acem and the Pyrates which robbed 
Christians were in league with the Mandarines, and sold 
that which they had gotten in Ainan, he pursued that 
purpose againe, and came to Anchor in Madel a Haven in 
that Iland where he encountred with Hinimilau, a 
Chinese Rover which had becomne lately a Moore, and 
bitter enemy of Christians, of which Religion hee had also 
beene. Five Portugall Captive Boyes, which were aboard 
him, cryed out for mercy, whereby Faria mooved, sent to 
know what they were, which answering with stones on 
their heads that came in the Boat, a cruell fight followed, 


Hinimilau an 
Moore Pyrate, 


c. 1540. 

in which Faria remayned Victor, and seised of the Captaine 
with fifteene others left alive. He demanded for the 
Portugall Boyes, who told them they were in the Prow 
under Hatches; whereupon sending to see, they found 
them lying on a heape with their heads off, a woman with 
her two children being also so served. Faria asked why 
hee dealt so with the small Innocents.? He answered, it 
was sufficient that they were children of Portugals. 
Being asked why he had forsaken the Christian Religion ; 
he said, because the Portugals had respected him being a 
Gentile, with Cap in hand saluting him Quiay Nicoda, 
but after hee was Christian, made little account of him ; 
whereupon he became a Moore in Bintam, and the King 
of Jantan used him with much honovir, his Officers called 
him Brother, and hee sware on a Booke to become an 
Enemy to the Portugall and Christian Name as long as he 
lived, the King and Priest applauding and promising all 
happinesse to nis soule. Seven yeares he had beene in 
execution of that Oath, and had taken a Junke of Luys de 
Pavia in the River of Liampoo, with foure hundred Bares 
of Pepper, slue eighteene Portugals, besides slaves : and 
after that had taken at times fovire ships, in which he had 
slaine neere three hundred persons, seventie of them 
Portugals, and taken fifteene or sixteen hundred Bares 
of Pepper and other Commodities, of which the King of 
Pan had halfe, to secure him and let him have sale: in 
the River Choaboque on the Coast of China, he had killed 
Ruy Lobo, his old acquaintance, with seventecnc 
Portugals, escaping a wracke, and taken into his Junke 
on condition to pay him two thousand Cruzados, to set 
him on shoare at Patane ; which notwithstanding, hee slue 
him and the rest by the Moores counsell one night as 
they were asleepe. Faria would heare no fvirther, but 
caused him to bee slaine and cast into the Sea. In Silke 
and other goods he found in the Junke to the value of 
fortie thousand Taeis : the Junke he burned, having none 
to man her. 
[III. ii. 256.] The other Necodas or Captaynes of the Junkes, seeing 



c. 1540. 
what Faria had done, consulted together, and seeing he 
might also doe as much to them, sent two chiefe men to 
him, desiring him as King of the Sea, to give them securi- 
ties to passe, in dispatch of their businesses before the 
Monson were ended, and that as his Tributaries, they 
would give him twentie thousand Taeis of Silver: to 
which he sware, and that no Thiefe should rob them: 
and with a Present received the Money brought him 
within an hovire after. A Boy which writ their Passes, 
gajmed in thirteene dayes above foure thousand Taeis 
^idcs gifts for dispatch) each Junke giving five Taeis 
and the lesse Barkes two. The Vice-Roy also of Ainan 
sent him a rich Present, with a Letter to intreat him to 
serve the Sonne of the Sunne as Admirall from Lamau to 
Liampoo, at ten thousand Taeis annuall wages, besides 
(after three yeares end) further advancement : whereto he 
excused his unworthinesse, and departed to Quangiparu, a Quangiparu, 
Citie of fifteene thousand Housholds, and so coasted all 
alongst the Iland of Ainan seven monethes space, till the 
Souldiers were wearie, and required their shares as had 
beene agreed ; which was quieted with promise to winter 
at Siam, and having there made Money of all to give each 
man his part. 

With this agreement they came to an Iland, called Vlhados 
Theeves Iland, because standing out of the Bay, it is ladrones, 
their place to take the first of the Monson. Here at the 
new Moone in October wee were encountred with a cruell 
Tempest in the night, by which the foure Vessels were Miserable 
broken in pieces, five hundred eightie six persons ^racke^ and 
drowned, of which eight and twentie Portugals ; three ^^. , 
and fiftie of us by Gods mercie saved, Faria being one, miseties, 
and one and twentie other Portugals, the rest Slaves and 
Mariners. They spent two daves and a halfe in Buriall of 
their dead, and to get some of*^ their provision, which yet 
liaving taken Salt-water, would not last about five dayes 
of the fifteene they stayed there. Faria comforted them 
saying, that God would not permit so much evill but for 
2 greater good; nor would have taken from them five 



c 1540. 

ReRefe almost 




hundred thousand Cruzados, but to give them sixe 
hundred thousand : Gkxi doth not punish with both hands, 
his mercie curing the wounds which his Justice maketh. 

Thus we walked naked, and bare-foot on the Strand & 
in the Wildernes, suffering hunger and cold, many of our 
companions dying, not so much for want of food, as the 
stinke and putrined unholsomnesse thereof. In this dis- 
consolate plight, a Sea-kite * came flying from behind the 
South Cape of the Hand, and let fall from his Talons a 
Mullet a span long ; which he taking up with great prayse 
to God, and Prayer to Jesus Christ, not to consider their 
merits, but his merits for them, hee caused it to bee rosted 
and given to the sicke. Looking to the place whence the 
Fowle came, they saw more of them flying up and downe, 
and going thitherwards, discovered a Valley with divers 
Fruit-trees, and before they came at it, they found a Deere 
which a Tygre had newly killed, and with their generall 
cry was scarred from it, having begun to eate it. Wee 
feasted with it, and with many Mullets which those Sea- 
kites got, and (scarred with our criesj let fidl. This 
fishing they continued from Munday till Saturday, and 
then seeing a saile they hid themselves in the Woods. 
It was a Lantea or Barke with Oares, which came thither 
with thirtie persons to wood and water ; and whiles they 
were disporting themselves, and had left their Barke 
unmanned, Faria apprehended the occasion, and having 
instructed them, at the name of Jesus they all ranne upon 
it, entred without gain-saying, and loosing the Prow put 
to Sea. The Chinois seeing their Lantea taken, hasted to 
the shoare, but scarred with a little Iron-piece out of their 
Lantea, they fled to the Thickets. We presently fell to 
eate, what an old man was dressing for the Chinois, and 
after searched and found Silkes, Damasks, Muske, and 
other goods worth fovire thousand Cruzados, besides Rice, 
Sugar, Hennes, which we most esteemed for recoverie of 
the sicke. There was a Boy of twelve or thirteene yeares 
old, whom Faria asked, whence and whose the Lantea 
was : hee answered, it was his Fathers, from whom they 



c I54Q. 
iad unhappily taken in lesse then an houre, all hee had 
gotten in above thirtie ycares: hee came from a place, 
called Quoaman, where in baurtar for Silver he had gotten Quaamim- 
Aosc goods, which he was going to sell to the Junkes of 
Siam m the Port of Comhay: and now hee going tp ComAi^. 
A^ply his want of water, you have taken away his goods 
wimout fcare of the Justice of Heaven. Faria promising 
(0 use him as his Sonne ; then, said hee, set me on shoare 
io that flUGersd^le Land where my true Father is, with 
whom I had rather dye then live with so bad people. 
Much reasoning passed, and he said, they could speake 
wcB of God, but little used his Law : neither would he 
cate in three dayes space* 

We <ietermined to goe for Liampoo, two hundred and 
sboie leagues Northwards from thence, and to get if we 
ctmid, a better Barke, this being little, and scarsly able to 
fapooke those New Moone-stormes on the Coast of China. New Moone. 
At Suiv-set wee set sayle, and next morning going East Tempests in 
North-east, came to an He called Guintoo, where we tooke ^*^^' 
a fisher^barke with store of fresh fish, whence we tooke 
what we thought fit, with eight men of her, twelve to 
wire for the Lantea, our men being weake. They told us 
tbat eighteene leagues thence was a good River, called 
Xinguau, within which was a poore fisher-village, called 
Ximoy, and three leagues higher up, a Citie of good 
Trade- The next day in the evening we came to Xamoy, 
where a Junke rode fitter for Farias purpose, which in the 
ni^ht he tooke, the men being asleepe ; whom he bound, 
thrcatning to kill them all if they made any cry ; and sayled 
presently with her to the He Pullo Quirim, nine leagues Pulk Quirim. 
off, and in three dayes after to an Hand called Luxitay, 
irhcte for the recovery of the sicke hee stayed fifteene [III. ii. 257.] 
layes. In the Junke hee found no Merchandize but Rice, 
he most of which he cast into the Sea to lighten her, and 
It her for our Voyage. Thence wee put forth for 
iampoo, where we heard were many Portugals from 
ufalaca, Zunda, Siam, and Patane, which used there to 


A.t>. It^URCHAS His PiLGftlMES 

c. 1540. 

In the way we encountred, after two dayes sayling, with 
a Junlce of Patane, which belonged to a China Pyrate, 
Quiay Panian cafled Quiay Panian, a great friend of the Portugals, of 
aCAina whom he had thirtie in his company entertayned in his 
^y^^' pay. They not knowing us, began with a terrible saluta- 

tion of fifteene Peeces of Artillery, but by Crosses in their 
Banner, we knew them and made signes, by which both 
congratulated each other with heartiest greetings, and 
Quiay Panian and he joyned in league to pursue their 
Fortunes together. They now purposed to goc to 
Chincheo. Chincheo, and there found five sayle of Portugals, which 
told them of a great Fleet of fovire hundred Junkes, with 
Goto. one hundred thousand men gone to the lies of Goto, in 

succour of Sucan of Pontir, who had voluntarily subjected 
himselfe to the King of China, in one hundred thousand 
Taeis Tribute yearely. We tooke out of those five ships 
thirtie five Souldiers more, and proceeded on our way for 
Liampoo. In the way we encountred a small Paraoo with 
eight Portugals sorely wounded, whereof Antonio Anri- 
quez, and Mem Taborda were, rich men of great esteeme. 
NewesofCma These recounted to him that a Guzerate Rover, Coia 
Acem. Acem, with three Junks and foure Lanteas (in which were 

five hundred men, one hundred and fiftie of them Moores) 
set upon them (having parted seventeene dayes agoe fix>m 
Liampoo, for Malaca, purposing to goe for India, if the 
Monson had permitted) before the He Gumbor, and after 
some houres fight tooke them; eightie two persons 
(eighteene of them Portugals) were sTaine, and as many 
others captived, with one nundred thousand Taeis value 
in their Junke: one of the Pyrats Junks was fired and 
burnt to the water. These few in the furie of the entry 
escaped in the little Boat which hung at sterne ; they being 
busied in the spoyle, and the Sunne then set, could not 
follow, but went into the River with much triumph. 
Lailoo. Faria and Quiay Panian who had kindred at Lailoo, 

provided themselves there of Powder, Lead, Victuals, and 
other necessaries for Money, by leave of the Mandarine, 
(no Countrey in the World being like China for all kind 



c. 1540. 
of provisions) and there got two greater Junkes in truck 
of the other, and two Lanteas, and one hundred and sixtie 
Mariners, so that they were in all five hundred persons, of 
which ninetie five were Portueals. They had one 
hundred & sixty Harquebusses, torty Brasse Peeces, & 
sixty Quintals of Powder, nine hundred pots of Powder, 
foure thousand Darts headed with Iron, Arrowes, and 
many Fire-workes, with other Weapons. Thus provided, 
they set forth in pursuit of Coia Acem, and by a Fisher- 
boat learned that he was in the River Tinlau, there to 
furnish and fit the Junke lately taken from the Portugals, 
to goe with it and two others for Siam (where he was 
borne) about ten dayes thence. Faria sent Vicente 
Morosa in the Fisher-boat, with some of his company to 
informe himselfe more fully, which making a shew of 
fishing with the rest, he easily did, and brought word 
aboard of the easinesse of the attempt. In the night they 
anchored, and went up the River in the morning, the 
enemy knowing nothing till they came in sight, and Faria 
crying out. Hey, my Masters, in the Name of Christ, to 
them, to them, Santiago, off went the Ordnance, the small 
shot succeeded, that none now in the Junkes durst appeare. 
His small Vessels (Lorche) comming from the shoare with 
succour were so entertayned with great shot that they 
coidd not helpe themselves, and by our small Vessels were 
fired with the fire-pots; in three of them two hundred 
persons were slaine. Out of the fourth they leaped into 
the water, and were most slaine by Panians men. 

Coia Acem which before was not knowne, seeing his 
Moores ready to try the waters courtesie to escape those 
fiery enemies, armed in BufFe, with Plates fringed with 
Gold, cryed out aloud that he might be heard. La Ilah 
illallah Muhamed ro9olalah: what shall you Muslemans 
and just men of the Law of Mahomet, suffer your selves 
to be conquered of so feeble a Nation as are these Dogges, 
which have no more heart then white Hens, and bearded 
women.? to them, to them; the Booke of Flowres hath 
given promise from our Prophet to you and me, to bathe 



c. J 540. 

our selves in the bloud of these Cafres without Law. 

With these cursed words, the Devill so aaixnated them, 

that it was fisarefull to see how they nmne on our Swords. 

Faria on the other side heartned his in the name of Christ 

Ofima spoRa. crucified, and with a zealous fervour reached Coia Acem, 

Cda Acem g^^}^ ^ ^low with a two hand Sword on his Head-piece of 

siatne. Maile, that he sunke to the ground, and with another 

blow cut off his legges. Whereupon his men with siich 

furie assayled Faria, not caring for thirtie Portugals wjiich 

stood about him, that they gave him two woirnds, which 

put such spirit into our men, that in little space, eight and 

tortie of the Enemies lay dead upon Coia Acem, and the 

rest they slue all but five, whom they tooke and bound, 

the Boyes cutting the others in quarters, and throwing 

them into the water with Coia Acem, and the King oT 

The Caciz Bintans chiefe Caciz, or Priest, the shedder and the 

W^ e/ drinker of Portugall bloud, as he stiled himselfe in the 

Chrtsttans. beginnii^ of his Writings, for which hee was of that 

cursed Sect much honoured. 

Of the Enemies were slaine three hundred and eightie, 
of ours fortie two (eight of which were Portugals, Faria 
searched the Iland, and found a Village therein of fortie 
or fiftie houses, which Coia Acem had sacked, slaying some 
[III. ii. 258.] of the Inhabitants. Not fore off was a great house seem- 
ing a Temple full of sicke and wounded men, ninetie sixe 
in number, which the Pyrat had there in cure, whom he 
burned, setting the house on fire in divers places, those 
that sought to escape being received on Pikes and Launces. 
The Junke which they had taken fi-om the Portugsds, sixc 
and twentie dayes before, Faria gave to Mem Taborda, 
and Antonio Anriquez in Almes for remission of his 
sinnes, taking their Oath to take no more but their owne. 
He tooke speciall care of the wounded, and caused the 
slaves to be set free. After all this, there remayned of 
cleere gaines, one hundred and thirtie thousand Taeis in 
Silver, of Japan and other goods, which that Pyrat had 
taken along that Coast fi:"om Sumbor to Fucheo. 



c. 1540. 

§. II. 

btonio Faria, his taking of Nouda a Citie in 
China, triumph at Liampoo : strange Voyage 
to Calempluy, misserable shipwracke. 

Aria having recovered his sicke men, set Fariatarackei 
sayk for Liampoo, and beeing comme to '^ '^^^^ 
the point of Micuy in sixe and twentie ^^^^' 
degrees, by a storme he was driven upon 
a Rock in the darke night, and was forced 
to cast out all the goods, and cut all their 
Masts over-board ; and with much adoe 
t escaped with their helpe (two and twentie drowned by 
rer-hastinesse) to the Junke of Mem Taborda. The 
jcond day after came two Portugals from Quiay Panians 
iinke, and plained to us their almost like misfortune (one yioknt wind, 
list having taken away three men, and cast them a stones 
1st into the Sea) and the losse of the small Junke with 
ftic persons, most of which were Christians, and seven 
6rtugals. One of the Lanteas came and told of their 
isadventure, the other Lantea lost, only thirteene men 
leaping, which the Countrey people carryed Captives to 
ouday : so that two Junkes and a Lantea with above one 
imdred persons were lost, and in Munition and other 
xxis, about two hundred thousand Cruzados, the Cap- 
yne and Souldiers having nothing left but that on their 
ickes. The Coast of China is subject to these strokes 
ore then other Countries, so that none can sayle thereon 
ic yeare without disasters, except at the full and change, 
ey betake them to their Ports, which are many and 
K)d, without barred entries, except Laman and Sumbor. 
Faria went and anchored before Nouday and sent some 
sound, and to take some of the people to enquire of his 
5n, who brought a Barke with eight men and two 
)men, one of whom (having first sworne by the Sea, that 
below, and the winds above should pursue him if hee 
ike his Faith, and the beautie of the starres whose eyes 



China peril- 
lous Coast, 


c. 1540. 

beheld all wrong, as the Chinese requested) told him that 
he taking them to be Sea Rovers and Robbers, had taken 
them and cast them in Irons. Faria writ to the Mandarin 
by two of those Chinois, with a Present worth two 
hundred Duckets to returne his men, which returned the 
next day with an Answere written, that himselfe should - 
come and demand Justice at his feet, and he would doe 
as hee saw cause. Hee wrote againe, offering two 
thousand Taeis for their Redemption, signifying that hee 
was a Portugall Merchant, which came to trade at 
Liampoo, and pavd Customes without any Robbery ; and 
that the King of Portugall his Lord was in true amitie 
with his Brother the King of China, and in Malaca his 
subjects used the Chinois justly. This calling the King 
of Portugall the King of Chinas Brother, he tooke 
so hainously, that he caused the China Messengers 
to be whipped, and their eares cut, and sent them 
backe with a railing Answere written to Faria, which 
had so proudly blasphemed, calling his King the 
Brother of the Sonne of the Sunne, the Lion crowned 
with incredible power in the Throne of the Universe, 
under whose feet all Crownes of all that governe the 
Earth, are placed with all their Seniories, as all Writers 
affirme in their Histories. For this Heresie he burned 
his Writing with his Picture, as he would doe to himselfe, 
charging him presently to set sayle and be gone. Faria 
enraged, resolved to assault the Towne, having three 
hundred men, (seventie of them Portugals) with the com- 
pany of Quiay Panian, for that feat. 
Nouday Having therefore taken foure Barkes, the next morning 
assaulud. betimes with them, three Junkes and a Lorcha or Lantea, 
he went up the River, and had sixe fathomes water and an 
halfe anchoring by the wals. And striking sayle without 
salutation of Artillery, we put off our Flagge of contract, 
after the China custome, to fulfil all complements of peace, 
sending new offers of love and further satisfaction for the 
Prisoners. But the Mandarine full of indignation, hardly 
used the Messengers on the wall in sight of the Armada ; 



c. 1540. 
wicreupon, Faria desperate of doing any good that way 
leaving order with the Junkes continually to shoot at the 
Enemie where they were thickest, he with his company 
landed without contradiction, and marched to the Towne. 
When we were comme within little more then a Caliever 
ihot of the Ditch without the wall, there issued by two 

Etcs one thousand, or twelve hundred ; about one 
indred of them Horsemen, or Hackneymen rather (for 
they rode on leane Jades) which began to skirmish in 
such disordered sort, encountring one with another, and 
many of them falling to the ground, that they seemed to [III. ii. 259.] 
be of some neighbour Villages, which came more of force 
then with force or heart to the businesse. Faria expected 
them, encouraging his men, and making a signe to the 

The Horsemen divided themselves, and wheeled about, 
as if that would have scarred us, which seeing, without 
effect they joyned in one bodie or heape rather ; whereat 
Ac Gtptayne commanded all the Caleevers to shoot off 
at once, with such successe, that the former halfe of the 
Horsemen fell to ground. And then wee which till that 
time had stood still gave the assault, crying on the name 
of Jesus, insomuch that they fled so confusedly, that they 
fell one upon another, and when they came to the Bridge 
over the Ditch, they thronged themselves so that none 
could goe forward. In this case we came on them, and 
slue aoout three hundred, none of them scarsly drawing 
Sword to defend themselves. Wee prosecuted the victory 
to the gate, in which was the Mandarine with sixe hundred 
men ; tairely mounted, armed with a Corslet of Crimson 
Velvet gilded, which we knew after to have belonged to 
Tome Perez, which King Emanuel of glorious memorie ThmasPerez, 
bad sent Embassadour to China. Hee and his began a 
^ht with us in the entrie of the gate, more valorous then 
he former, till a Boy of ours dismounted the Mandarine The Man- 
rom his Horse with a Harquebusse shot thorow the darine shine. 
treast, which caused the rest disorderly to flee, and we 
rith them into the Towne. They castinrr downe their 



c. 1540. 

weapons ranne out at another gate toward the Countrcy, 
none remayning. Antonio Faria gathering his companie 
together, marched orderly to the Chifanga, the Prison 
where our men were, brake up the gates and grates, and 
Prisoners freed his men. Then did he appoint halfe an houre to 
t'^Tow ^^^ people for spoile, himselfe going to the Mandarinca 
sacked. house, and had 8000. Taeis of Silver there, & five great 
boxes of Muske : the rest he gave to the Boyes, which 
was much Silke twisted, and unwrought, Damaskc, Satin« 
Porcelane; the sacke was so rich, that foure Barkes or 
Vessels in which they came, went foure times laden there- 
with to the Junkes, that there was neither Boy nor Mariner 
which had not a Chist or Chists of pieces, besides whst 
they had secretly. Having spent an houre and halfe, he 
seeing night now come on, set fire in ten or twelve parts 
of the Citie, which being built of Pine timber suddenly 
arose into such a flame, that it seemed a Hell. And with- 
out impediment, he embarked his company with much 
riches, and many faire Girls tyed by foures and fives with 
Match, they crying, ours triumphing. 

It was now late, yet had Faria care of the wounded, 
which were fiftie of them, eight Portugals, and to burie 
the dead, which were nine only one Portugall ; and keep- 
ing good watch that night, as soone as it was day, he went 
to a Village on the other side of the water, and found not 
one person in it, the houses still furnished with goods and 
provisions, with which he laded the Junkes : and departed 
for a desart Hand fifteene leagues from Liampoo, called 
Pullo Hinhor, where was good water and anchorage. 
Comolm After wee had sayled five dayes betwixt the lies Comolem 
Hands, and the continent, Prematk Gundel a Rover which had 
G^^Ma ^^^^ much damage to the Portugals in Patane, Sunda, 
Pirate. Siam, taking us for Chineses, set upon us with two great 
Junkes, in which were two hundred fighting men besides 
Mariners, and grapling with the Junke of Mem Taborda, 
had almost taken it, when Quiay Panian came to her 
succour with such a stroke on ner quarter, that both 
sunke; the three Lorchae which Faria brought ftcm 



Ndiiday camming in, saved most of our men, the enemies 
htiBg all drorwned, and Mem Taborda freed. Meane 
while, Premati Gundel had with two hookes and Iron 
draincs fastned himselfe to Farias Junke, both in the 
poope and prow, such a cruell battell following, that in 
Icsse then an hovire most of Farias men and himselfe were 
wounded, and twice in danger of taking, when the three 
Lorchse, and a little Junke which Pero Sylva had taken 
at Nouday, came in to his succour, so that eightie sixe 
Moores which had entred Farias Junke were skine, who 
ittd cooped our men before in the poop-roome; and 
thence entring the Pirats Junke, put all therein to the 

This victorie cost seventeene of ours their lives, five of 
them of the best Portugall Souldiers, besides three and 
fcrtie wounded. The prize was valued at eightie thou- 
laiid Taeis, the most of it Japan Silver, which the Pirate 
bd taken in three Junkes, come from Firando bound for 
Chindieo. In the other sunken Junkes was said to be as 
moch. With this prize Faria went to a little Hand, called 
Boncalou, foure leagues off, and stayed there eighteene 
(byes, making Cottages for the wounded, which there 
recovered hesdth. Thence they departed, Quiay Panian 
going in that Junke of the Pirate, with 20000. Taeis over 
and above for his part; in sixe dayes we came to the 
Ports of Liampoo, which are two lies, in which the 
Portugals made at that time their contractation, and was 
a Towne of one thousand houses, and sixe or seven 
Churches built by them, with Sherifs, an Auditor, 
Akaides, and other Officers ; the Notaries using to write, 
I, N. publike Notarie for the King our Lord, in this Citie 
of Liampoo, &c. as if it had beene seated betwixt Santarem 
and Lisoon : and such was their forwardnesse, that some 
houses cost three or foure thousand Cruzados, all which 
•ere razed afterwards by the Chinois ; so uncertaine are 
the things of China (which in these parts are so esteemed) 
R> subject to disastres and disadventures. 

When Faria was come to Portas de Liampoo, he sent 



c. 154 
Another sea- 

Junke^ and 
another sunke. 




Liampoo^ a 
Towne on the 
coast ofChinay 
seven leagues 
from Liampoo, 


c. 1540. 

Mem Taborda, and Anriques first to acquaint the Townes- 
men what had passed, who sent Jeronymo do Rego with 
two Lanteas, to thanke him for the bountie shewed in 
the case of Coia Acem, and with refreshings ; and for the 
[III. ii.260.] businesse at Nouday, he need not be afraid there to winter, 
the King of China being as they said, lately dead, and 
Civill toarres civill warres succeeding, thirteene competitors being in 
^F4buk^ Armes to enforce their pretended right: and that the 
rumour. Tutan Nay, which was next person to the King in all the 

Government, with meere and mixt Empire of Majestic 
Quonasy. Regall, was besieged in the Citie of Quoansy, by Prechau 
Muan Emperour of Cauchinas; in whose favour it is 
holden for certaine, that the King of Tartaria is conuning 
with an Armie of nine hundred thousand men : and that 
in this troubled estate Nouday would not be thought of, 
which was in comparison of many other Cities in China, 
lesse then Oeiras compared with Lisbon. He was sixc 
Farias dayes after with great triumph and glorious shewcs, made 

triumph. ^f j^jg owne Fleet, and of the many Boats, Barkes, and 
Citizens which came to fetch him, there being three 
hundred men in festivall apparell, with many Gold 
Chaines, and gilded Swords, till he came into the Port, in 
which rode in a rew, twentie six Ships, and eightic Junks, 
besides a greater number of smaller vessels, fastned one 
before another in two wings, making a street betwixt 
them, adorned with Laurell, and other greene boughs, 
and sweet herbs, the Ordnance thundring on both sides a 
congratulation. The Chinois wondred, and asked if he 
were Brother or neere Kinsman to their King, they 
received him in such honour: Nay, said a conceited 
Portugall, but his father shooed the Kings Horses, and 
therefore is he worthie of this honour. Hereat they were 
more then amazed, and said. There were great Kings in 
the World, of which their Authours had made no men- 
tion, and the King of Portugall seemes one of them, and 
much to exceed the Cauchim, or the Tartar, and it were 
no sinne to say he may hold compare with the Sonne of 
the Sunne, the Lion crowned in the Throne of the World. 




3thcrs confirmed the same, alledging the great riches 
which the bearded men generally possessed. A glorious 
Lantea was pxirposely adorned for his person in which 
hcc went, with many Musicall Instruments of the Chinas, 
MakyoS) Champaas, Siamites, Borneos, Lequios, and 
other Nations which there secured themselves under the 
Portugals, for feare of Rovers which filled those Seas. 

I should wearie you to let you see the rest of this pom- 
pous spectacle, and more to heare their Orations preferring 
Dim before Alexander, Scipio, Annibal, Pompey, Caesar : 
Neither will Religion let mee goe with him to their 
Masse : nor doe I ever dine worse then at solemne Feasts ; 
tod others will grudge me a roome at Comedies : all which 
pompes I will leave to our Author, enlarged by the Spanish 
tnmslator, Canon of the Church of Arbas, as dedicated to 
Manuel Severin de Faria. There hee stayed five moneths, 
spending the time in Hawking, Hunting, Fishing, Feast- 
i^. C^iay Panian in this time dyed. After hee made 
rwiy to goe to the Mines of Quoangiparu. Others 
disswaded him by reason of warres in those parts, and a 
fiunous Pyrat called Similau, told him of an Hand called 
Calempluy, in which seventeene Kings of China were Calempluy, 
buried with much treasures, in Vests, and Idols of Gold, 
and other incredible riches ; which hee on no other testi- 
monie embraced, (without consulting with his friends, 
who not a little blamed him therefore) and went with 
Similau in search of this Hand, setting out May the four- 
teenth, 1542. 

He set foorth with two Panouras, which are as it were Currents in 
Frigots, but somewhat higher : Junkes he used not, both ^^^ ^^y ^f 
for secrecie, and because of the Currents which set out of ^^"^^^»- 
the Bay of Nanquin, which great ships cannot stemme, by 
reason of the over-flowings from Tartaria and Nixihum 
Fkon, in those moneths of May, June, and July. He 
had with him sixe and fiftie Portugals, with a Priest, and 
fertie eight Mariners of Patane, and fortie two Slaves: 
more our Pilot Similau would not admit, fearing suspition 
in traversing the Bay of Nanquin, and entry of many 







Bay of 


[III. ii. 261.] 


Rivers much inhabited. That day and night wee cleared 
the lies of Angitur, and followed our voyage thorow a 
Sea before never sayled by Portugals. The first five 
dayes, we sayled with good winde, in sight of land to 
the entrie of the Bay of Nanquins fishings, and passed a 

gulfe of fortie leagues, and had sight of a high Hill called 
Fangafu, alongst which we ranne to the North five dayes ; 
at the end whereof, Similau put into a small River, the 
people whereof were white, of good stature, with small 
eyes like the Chinois, but differing in speech and 
behaviour. After three dayes the tempest ceasing, we set 
sayle East North-east, seven dayes together in sight of 
land, and crossing another gulfe, there was a straight open 
to the East, called Sileupaquim, ten leagues in the mouth, 
within which we sayled five dayes m sight of many 
Townes and Cities very faire ; and this River or straight 
was frequented with innumerable shipping ; insomuch that 
Faria was afraid to bee discovered, and would needs 
against Similaus minde turne some other way. Thus out 
of the Bay of Nanquin (Similau telling them of a moneths 
worke of sayling by the River Sumhepadan, one hundred 
and seventie leagues distant thence to the North) wcc 
sayled five dayes, at the end whereof wee saw a very high 
Hill called Fanius, and comming neere it, entred a goodly 
rode, where one thousand ships might ride at anchor. 
Wee sayled thence thirteene dayes along the coast, and 
came to the Bay of Buxipalem in 49. degrees, where wee 
found it somwhat cold and saw Fishes of strange shapes, 
some like Thornbacks, above foure braces or fathoms 
compasse, flat nosed like an Oxe ; some like great Lizards, 
speckled blacke and greene, with three rewes of prickles on 
the backe, like bristles, three spannes long, very sharpe, 
the rest of the body full, but of shorter ; these Fishes will 
contract themselves like Hedge-hogs, and looke feare- 
fuUy ; they have a sharpe blacke snout with tuskes, after 
the manner of a Bore, two spannes long. Other deformi- 
ties and diversities of Fishes we saw. Fifteene leagues 
further, we came to another fairer Bay called Calnidan, 



sixe leagues in compasse set round with Hills, diversified 
with Woods and Rivers, foure very great. 

Similau sayd that the filth of dead Carcasses of 

creatures, proceeding from the overflowings, specially in 

November, December, and Januarie, at tne full of the 

Moone, caused the generation of such diversitie of Fishes 

and Serpents in that Bay, and the former, which were not 

scene in other parts of that Coast. Faria asked him 

whence those Rivers came, and hee said that he knew not, 

but if it were true which was written, two of them came 

(torn a great lake called Moscumbia, and the other two 

fix)m a Province of great Mountaines, which all the yeere 

were covered with snow, called Alimania, and in Summer 

when great part of the snow was melted, they became so 

impetuous, as wee now saw: and for that River in the 

mouth whereof we were entred, called Paatebenam, wee 

were now in the name of the Lord of heaven to turne 

the Prow to the East, and East South-east * to search 

againe the Bay of Nanquim, which we had left behind two 

hundred and sixtie leagues, all which way we had made 

higher then Calempluy. The second day we came to a 

high Mountaine called Botinafau, stored with divers 

kindes of wilde beasts, which continued neere fiftie leagues 

and sixe dayes sayling : and after came to another Hill as 

wilde as the former, called Gangitanou, and all the way 

forward was mountainous, and so thicke of trees that the 

Sunne could not pierce. Similau sayd, that in ninetie 

leagues space there was no habitation, and in the skirts 

thereof lived a deformed savage people onely by their 

Hunting, and some Rice which they got in China, by 

exchange of wilde beasts skinnes, which hee sayd came to 

above a million yeerely. Of these Giganhos, wee saw a 

bcardlesse youth with sixe or seven Kme before him, to 

whom Similau made a signe, and hee stayed till we came 

to the Bankes side, and shewing him a piece of greene 

TafFata (which hee sayd they much esteemed) with a harsh 

iroyce he sayd, Quiteu paran faufau, words which none 

understood. Faria commanded to give him three or foure 





*Aleste t5f a 




Their totUe 



Covados of the tafFata, and sixe Porcelanes, which he 
received with much joy, saying, Pur pacam pochy pilaca 
hunangue doreu, signing with his hand to the place whence 
hee came, and leaving his Kine, he ranne thither. He 
was cloathed with a Tygers skin, the hayre outward, his 
armes, head and legges bare, with a rude pole in his hand ; 
well shaped, seeming ten palmes or spans long, his hayre 
hanging on his shoulders. Within a quarter of an houre 
hee returned with a live Deere on his backe, and thirteene 
persons with him, eight men and five women, with three 
Kine tyed in coards dancing at the sound of a Drum, 
giving now and then five strokes on it, and other five with 
their hands, crying aloude, Cur cur hinau falem. Antonio 
de Faria, caused to shew them five or sixe pieces and many 
Porcelanes. All of them were cloathed in like manner, 
only the women had on their wrists grosse bracelets of 
Tin, their hayre longer then the men, and full of Flowers, 
and on their neckes a great neck-lace with coloured Shels, 
as big as Oyster-shels. The men had great poles in their 
hands, furred halfe way with such Pelts as they wore ; they 
were strong set, with thicke lippes, flat noses, great open 
nostrils, bigge feces. Faria caused to measure them, and 
none of them were higher then ten spannes and a halfe, 
one old man nigh eleven, the women not ten : but I 
suppose the most savage that ever yet were discovered. 
A Corge ts p^ria gave them three corges of Porcelane, a piece of 
greene TafFata, and a basket of Pepper ; and they fell on 
the ground, and lifting up their hands with their fists shut, 
sayd, Vumguahileu opomguapau lapan, lapan, lapan. 
They gave us the three Kine and the Deere, and after 
many words, in three houres conference returned with like 
dance as they came. 

Wee followed our way five dayes more up the River, 
about fortie leagues, in which we had sight of that people, 
and sixteene dayes more without sight of any, at the end 
of which we came to the Bay of Nanquim, hoping in five 
or sixe dayes to effect our desires. Similau willed Faria 
not to let his Portugals be scene. And having sayled sixe 





daycs East and East North-east, we had sight of a great 

Citie called Sileupamor, and entred into the Port two Sikupamor. 

houres within night, being a faire Bay almost two leagues 

in circuit, where abundance of shipping rode at anchor, 

seeming above three thousand : which made us so afraid, 

that out againe we went, and crossing the River (which 

may bee about sixe or seven leagues over) wee ranne 

alongst a great Champaine the rest of the day with purpose 

to get some refreshing, having passed thirteene hungry 

dayes. We came to an old building called Tanamadel, TanamadeL 

and got provision to our mindes. This place, the Chinois 

which wee found there, told us, belonged to an Hospitall 

two leagues thence for entertainment of the Pilgrims, 

which visited the Kings Sepulcher. Wee continued our 

voyage seven dayes more, having spent two moneths and 

a halte since wee came from Liampoo, and now Faria could 

no longer concede his discontent, that hee had thus 

followed Similaus project, and receiving of him answer 

little to the purpose, had stabbed him with his Dagger 

if others had not interposed, Similau the night following 

as wee rode at anchor neere the land, swam a shoare, the 

watch not perceiving, which Faria hearing was so 

impatient, that going on shoare to seeke him, hee returned 

frustrate, and found of his sixe and fortie Chinois, two and 

thirtie fled. Full now of confusion, it was by counsell 

resolved to seeke Calempluy, which could not be farre off : 

and the next night entred a Barke riding at anchor, and 

tooke five men sleeping therein; of whom hee learned [III. ii. 262.] 

that Calempluy was ten leagues off, and with their helpe 

found it, eightie three dayes after he had set out on that 


This Hand was seated in the midst of the River, and 
seemed to bee a league in Compasse. Hither came Faria 
with trouble and feare, three houres within night, anchor- 
ing about a chamber shot from it. In the morning it was 
agreed, first to goe about it to see what entrances it had, 
and what impediments might befall their designe. The 
Hand was all environed with a rampire of hewen Marble, 




The wonder- 




He gpeth on 


sixe and twentie spannes high, so well cut and set together, 
that all the wall seemed but one piece, the like whereof 
wee had never seene in India, or elsewhere : from the 
bottome of the water to the brim, it contayned other sixe 
and twentie spannes. In the top was a border of the same 
worke round ingirting it, like a Friers girdle, of the big- 
nesse of a runcflet of twelve gallons, on which were set 
grates of Latten turned, every sixe fiithoms fiistened into 
holes of the same Latten ; in each of which was the Idoll 
of a woman, with a round ball in her hands, none knowing 
what it signified. Within these grates, was a rew of many 
Monsters of cast Iron, which in manner of a dance hand 
in hand, compassed the He round. Further inwards from 
those monstrous Idols, in the same ranke, was another of 
Arches of rich worke pleasant to behold. And all fit>m 
hence inward, was a grove of dwarfe Orange-trees thicke 
set ; in the midst whereof were builded three hundred and 
sixtie Hermitages, dedicated to the Gods of the yeere, 
whereof those Jraynims have many fiibulous praises. A 
quarter of a league higher, on a hill to the East, were 
seene buildings with seven fronts of houses like Chxirches, 
all from the top to the bottome wrought with gold, with 
high Towers seeming Bell-steeples ; and without, two 
streets with Arches which encompassed these buildings, of 
the same worke with the fronts ; and all from the highest 
top of the steeple pinacles to the bottom wrought with 
gold ; whereby we judged it some sumptuous and rich 

Alter this view taken, Faria resolved (though it were 
late) to goe on shoare, to see if he could speake with any 
in those Hermitages ; and so (leaving sufficient guard in 
the Barkes) with tortie Souldiers, twentie Slaves, and foure 
Chinois, (which knew the place, and had beene sometimes 
there, and might serve us for Interpreters) he committed 
the two Barkes to Father Diego Lobato, and entred at one 
of the eight Entrances; walking thorow the Orangetto- 
grove to an Hermitage, two Cahver shots from our land- 
mg place, with the greatest silence that might bee, and 




with the name of Jesus in our heart and mouth. Having Jesus made a 
yet seene no person, he felt at the doore of the Hermitage P^^^^ rf 
with his Halberd, and perceived it locked on the inside : ''^^^^• 
hee bade one of the Chinois knocke, which having done 
twice, he heard an answer within answering. Praised bee 
the Creator which gilded the beautious Heavens, goe 
about and I will know thy businesse. The Chinois went 
about and entring the backe doore, opened that where He enters an 
Faria stood, who with his companie going in, found one ^^^mitage. 
man seeming above one hundired yeeres old, in a long 
Russet Damaske garment, by his presence seeming Noble 
^as after wee learned he was) who seeing such a troupe 
fell downe, trembling hand and foot. A good while it 
was before hee could speake, and then asked what wee 
were, and what we sought. The Interpreter answered by 
Farias command, that hee was the Captaine of these The speech 
strangers of Siam, who bound for the Port of Liampoo in hetwixt Faria 
trade of Merchandise was wracked at Sea ; hee and these f? ^? 
escaping miraculously, and therefore vowing to come to 
that Holy land on Pilgrimage, to praise God for deliver- Absokns 
ance from so great a danger, and was now come to fulfill vwoes. 
it; and withaU to demand somewhat in almes to relieve 
him for his returne, protesting after three yeeres to restore 
it double whatsoever hee now tooke. Hiticou (that was 
his name) answered, I have well heard what thou hast said, 
and that damnable designe whereto thy blindnesse (as the 
Pilot of Hell) hath drawne thee and thine associates to 
the bottome of the lake of night. For in stead of thankes 
for so great a benefit, thou commest to rob : and what I 
pray thee will the Divine justice repay thee at thy last 
breath! change thou thy evill purpose, and (beleeve me) 
God will change thy punishment. Faria prayed him, hee 
would not bee angry, saying, hee had no other remedie of 
life: whereat the Hermite lifting his hands and eyes to 
Heaven, sayd, weeping. Blessed bee thou Lord, which 
sufFerest on earth men, which take for remedie of life 
thine offences, and for certaintie of glorie will not serve 
thee one day. And then turning his eyes to the com- 





panie which were rifling the Hangings and Chests, taking 
the silver from amongst the bones of the deceased therein, 
hee fell twice from his seate with griefe ; and pensively put 
Faria in minde of his last breath, of restitution, of penance 
perpetuall to his flesh, and liberall and discreet communi- 
cating to the poore, that the servant of night shoidd have 
nothing to accuse him in the day of account : praying him 
also to command his companie, to gather up the bones of 
the Saints, that they should not lye contemptible on the 
ground. Faria gave him many good works and comple- 
ments, professing himselfe (whicS hee whispered neerer) 
sorrie of what had passed, but if hee should not doe it, his 
companie had threatened to kill him. If it bee so, said 
the Hermit, then shall thy paine bee lesse then these 
ministers of night, whom as hungry Dogs, it seemes all 
the silver of the world would not satisfie. 

Thus with many good words hee tooke leave of the 
Hermit ^having taken all they could get) who told him 
his knowledge might make his sinne more penall. Nuuo 
[III. ii. 263.] Coelho praying him not to be so angry for so small a 
matter, hee replyed. More small is the feare which thou 
hast of death, when having spent thy life in foule facts, 
thy soule shall stand as fome at the passage of this dung- 
hill of thy flesh. And if thou seekest more Silver to ml 
thy infernall appetite, thou mayst finde in the houses 
adjoyning enough to make it split, as well in danger of 
Hell for this already, save that more burthened thou shak 
descend swifter to the bottome. Pray, sayd Coelho, take 
all in patience, for so God hath commanded in his holy 
Law : the Hermit shaking oft his head, sayd, I now see 
that which I never thought to have heard. Inbred wicked- 
nesse and vertue fained, the same man stealing and 
preaching: and turning to Faria, prayed him that hee 
would not suffer them to spet on the Altar, being liefer to 
dye a thousand times then to see it, which he promised. 
Hee then demanded of Hiticon, what persons lived in alt 
those houses; who answered, three hundred and sixtie 
Talagrepos onely, and fortie Menigrepos which served 


The Hemt" 
tages^ Hermits 
(5f attendants f 
as Lay 


them without, for their provision, and the care of the 
^cke. Hee asked if the Kings used to come thither : no 
sayd he. The King being sonne of the Sunne, can absolve 
all and none may condemne him. Asked of their Armes, 
hee sayd, To goe to Heaven, there needed not armes to 
offend, but patience to suffer. For the mixture of that Papall pwer. 
^Iver with dead bones in the chests, hee answered, that it 
was the Almes which the deceased carryed with them, to 
provide them of necessities in the heaven of the Moone. 
Asked of women with them, hee sayd, that the Bee stings 
those which eate the honey, and pleasures of the flesh 
needed not to the life of the Soule. And thus parted hee 
from the Hermit with embraces, with purpose to returne 
the next day (it being now night) to the other houses, 
and not taking aboard with him this Hermit, as hee was 
advised, saying, his gowtie legges could carrie no tydings 
of us : which yet hee did, creeping to the next, and bid- 
ding him goe call the Bonzii. 

For an houre after midnight, wee saw fires in a rew. They are 
which our Chinois told us, were signes of our discovcrie, ^^^^^^''^^• 
and therefore advised us to haste away. Faria was 
awakened, and would needs a shoare with sixe men, and 
ranne like a mad-man from one place to another: his 
companie requested him to haste away, and he answered, 
for his honour hee would first see the danger, and intreated 
them to stay one halfe houre, and swearmg hereto, away 
hee goeth, and followes the sovmd of a Bell to an 
Hermitage, in which were two men in religious habits; 
the place was richer then the former wee had beene in. 
They tooke thence an Idoll of Silver from the Altar with 
a myter of Gold on his head, and a wheele in his hand, 
and three Candlesticks of silver with long chaynes ; and 
taking the two Hermits with them, returned aboard the 
Barkes with great haste. Of one of these, they learned 
that Pilau Angiroo had come to the house of the 
Sepulchers of the Kings, and cryed out to them to awaken 
out of their sleepe, telling them of their oath to the 
Goddesse Amida, of Strangers with long beards and Iron 




bodies, which had robbed the Saints, and would kill them 
all, whence followed the fires, and sending to give notice 
to the Cities Corpilem, and Fumbana for ayde, their 
Religion prohibiting them to handle any thing which 
might draw bloud. Faria now having gone downe the 
River a great way, was much enraged for omitting such 
oportunitie, plucking his beard, and beating himselfe 
with anguish, till not long after his heate was cooled. 


§. HI. 

Their Shipwracke in which Faria and most of 
them were drowned ; the miserable wander- 
ings of the rest to Nanquin : their Imprison- 
ment, sentence and appeale to Pequin ; rarities 
observed in those places and wayes ; of the 
beginnings of the China Kingdome, and of 
their admirable Wall. 

Even dayes wee sayled thorow the Bay of 
Nanquim, the force of the current carry- 
ing us more speedily, and came all 
discontent to a Village called Susoquerim, 
and there provided our selves of victuall 
and instruction, and entred into a straight 
called Xalingau, in which wee ranne in 

nine dayes one hundred and fortie leagues, and turning to 

enter the same Bay of Nanquim, which was there ten or 

twelve leagues wide, wee sayled with Westerly windes 

thirteene dayes : and being in the sight of the Mines of 

Conxinacau. Conxinacau in 41. degrees and two thirds, there a Tufan 

or tempest from the South, tooke us with windes and raincs 

seeming more then naturall, and the winde chopped into 

the North North-west, the Sea going so high that (except 

our provisions and Chests of plate) we threw all into the 

drowned and ^^^' ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ masts over-board, and about midnight 

the Barkes heard a great cry in the Panura of Antonia de Faria, 

wracked. Mercy Lord God, whereby wee imagined shee was cast 




away; we seconded the same cry, but heard no answer. 
Our Barke also the next day, split on a Rocke, and of five 
and twentie Portugals, eleven were drowned, besides 
eighteene Christian boyes, and seven China Mariners. 
This hapned the fifth of August, 1542. 

Wee fourteene which escaped, the next day travelled 
into the Land, alongst a Hill, and discovered a Lake, 
without shew of Land, which made us returne backe, 
where wee found our men cast on shoare, to the renewing [III. ii. 264.] 
of our sorrow, and the next day buried them, that the 
Tigres (of which there are many) should not eate them. 
In this, having nothing but our hands to doe it, and they 
thirtie sixe now stinking, wee spent the most part of the 
day. Thence wee went Northward thorow the Woods 
three dayes, till wee came at a straight, without sight of 
any person. In swimming over three men and a boy were Foure other 
drowned, being faint, the current strong, and the water drowned. 
somewhat spacious : the men were two brethren Belchior 
and Caspar Barbosa, and Francisco Borges Cayciro, all of 
Ponte de Lima, and of good account. Wee which 
remayned (eleven men and three boyes) passing that 
obscure nights winds, raines, and cold, imitated by our 
disconsolate sighs, teares, and feares, saw before day a fire 
Eastward, and went right towards it, commending our 
selves to God our only hope. And travelling along the 
River, wee came in the evening where five men were 
making Coles, and casting our selves at their feet, desired 
them to take pitie on us, and helpe us to some place 
where wee might finde reliefe. They gave us a little Rice 
and warme water, and shewed us the way to a Village 
where was an Hospitall, to which wee came an houre -^» Hospitall. 
within night, and round there foure men appointed to 
that charge, which used us charitably. *Malaca is 

The next day they asked what wee were, and whence: said to stand in 
and wee told them, strangers of Siam *, which came from ^^ Kingdome 
the Port of Liampoo to the fishing at Nanquim, where by ?^^'^«»'^«^^ 
tempest we lost all but our battered flesh. They asked yeelding 
what wee intended to doe, and wee answered, to goe to subjecAon. 




Strange oath. 



Nanquim, to get passage to Cantan, or Corahay, where 
our Countrey-men have trade by licence of the Aitao of 
Paquim, under the shadow of The Sonne of the Sunne, 
the Lion crowned in the Throne of the World ; for whose 
sake we desired them to let us stay there till we had 
recovered strength to travell, and to give us some clothing 
to cover us. They carried us about the Village, and 
begged some old clothes and victuals, and two Taeis in 
money for our reliefe, and gave us two Taeis of the 
House ; and with words of much comfort to trust in God, 
they gave us a Letter of commendation to the Hospitall 
of Sileyiacau, which was in a great Towne three leagues 
thence, and had better maintenance. Thither we went, 
and slewed our Letter from the Overseers of Buatendoo, 
in the said Village of Catihorau to the Officers of this 
house, which sate then at Table in consultation, and the 
Scribe reading the Letter, they accommodated us in a neat 
roome with tourteene Beds, a Table, and many Stooles, 
and Meate ; and next morning examined us, wee answer- 
ing as before. They gave charge to a Physician to cure 
us, and wrote our names in a Booke, to which we sub- 
scribed. In eighteene dayes wee all recovered, and went 
thence to a place called Susoanganee, five leagues off, and 
sate downe wearie at a Well, where one came to us with a 
handful of Wheat eares, which he wetted in the water, and 
adjured us holding the same in our hands, by these sub- 
stances of bread and water, which the high Creator had 
made for the sustenance of man to tell the truth what we 
were, 8a:. which we did, answering as before ; and he gave 
leave to his neighbours to relieve us. They layde us in 
a Church Porch, and gave us victuals, and the next day 
we begged from doore to doore foure Taeis, which weU 
helped our wants. 

Thence we went two leagues to Xiangulee, with intent 
to goe to Nanquim, one hundred and fortie leagues dis- 
tant. Comming thither late, three boyes which were 
feeding Cattell, rannc into the Towne with an out-crie of 
Theeves ; the people running out, and so welcomming us, 




that one of the boyes died with the blowes. They kept us 
two dayes in a Cisterne of water up to the waste, full of 
Hors-leaches, without victuals, and our hands bound; 
whence by a man of Suzanganee, wee were freed, reporting 
better things of us. Thence wee went to Finginilau 
(in the way finding good reliefe at a Gentlemans house) 
still avoyding Cities and Townes of note, for feare ot 
stricter justice, two moneths holding on our way, some- 
time in, sometimes out, from Village to Village, one of 
which was Chautir, where a woman was then buried which Chautir, 
had made the IdoU her Heire, and we were invited as 
poore men to eate at her Grave, and had sixe Taeis given 
us to pray for her soule. At Taypor an Officer charged Taypor. 
us to be Rogues, begging against the Law, and therefore 
layed us in Prison, where we continued sixe and twentie 
dayes, in which Rodrigues Bravo, one of our companie 
died. Thence wee were sent to Nanquim, and there Nanquim. 
continued sixe weekes in a miserable Prison (in which was 
said to be foure thousand Prisoners) where two of our 
companie and a boy died of the whipping, and the rest 
hardly escaped ; being besides sentenced also to have our 
thumbs cut off as theeves. 

After this bloudy whipping, they brought us to a house 
within the Prison where wee were cured, being as it were 
an Hospitall for the sicke, where in eleven dayes wee 
were pretily well recovered, but lamenting the cutting off 
our thumbes according to the rigour of the Sentence which 
had beene given, one morning came in two honourable 
persons which were Procurers of the poore. These 

Juestioned us of our case, and hearing the same, made a 
Petition to the Chaem on our behalfe, and the eight 
Conchacis, which are as it were Criminall Judges; and 
being there delayed, they made another Petition to 
anotner Table, called Xinfau nicor pitau, where are foure 
and twentie Talagrepos assistants, austere Religious men, Takgrepos. 
as Capuchines amongst us, which review the cases of the 
poore, which prohibited the Chaem to proceed, and 
granted an appeale to the Aitau of Aitaus in Pequim to 



[III. ii. 265.] 

The Jesuites 
place this 
Citie in 32. 
and in other 
places they 
likewise dis- 
agree in their 
The reason I 
suppose isy that 
Pinto never 
observed the 
height by 
nor perhaps 
had skill 
thereby; this 
he confessethy 
cap. 10 ^,pag. 
222. butjbl- 
lowed the 
Maps which 
at his retume 
he sawy which 
have placed 
Nanquin in 
that height^ 
falslyy as I 
conceive to 
keepe others 
from the true 
knowledge of 
these parts; a 
thing usuall in 


moderate the Sentence, which the two Procurers brought 
us. Wee and thirtie others were embarked, chained with 
long chaines, the two Procurers procuring us some cloth- 
ing, and Rice, and commending us to Chihi, the Officer or 
Captaine appointed to carrie us, with a Certificate in our 
behalfe to procure us almes. The Rivers being then high 
swollen hindred our journey. Three dayes wee stayed at 
a Village called Mincacutem, where Chifu dwelt, and 
embarked his wife and children; wee were tyed to the 
seats where wee rowed, and could not have perfect sight of 
the Cities, yet thus much wee observed. Nanquim is in 
39. degrees and a third, washed by the River Batampina, 
which signifieth The flower of fish : which River, as I was 
then told and after saw, comes from Tartaria, out of the 
Lake Fanostir, nine leagues from the Citie Lan9ame, 
where Tamerlane King of the Tartars resided. This Lake 
is eight and twentie leagues long, and twelve broad, very 
deepe, and yeelds five Rivers; first, this of Batampina, 
running thorow the midst of China three hundred and 
sixtie leagues, and entring the Bay of Nanquin in 36. 
degrees. The second Lechune which goeth alongst the 
Hills of Pancruum, & dividing the Land of Cauchim, and 
Catebenan, which within the Countrey confines with the 
Kingdome of Champaa in 16. degrees. The third is 
Tauquiday, that is. The mother of waters, passing West 
North-west by the Kingdome of Nacataas (a Land whence 
China was peopled) and falls into the Sea in the Kingdome 
of Sornau, or Siam, by the Barre of Cuy an hundred and 
thirtie leagues beneath Patane. The fourth River is 
Batobasoy, which passing by the Province of Sansim 
(which was drowned An. 1556.) goeth into the Sea by the 
Barre of Cosmim in the Kingdome of Pegii. Leysacotay 
is the fifth, runneth Eastward to the Archipelagus (as the 
Chinois say) of Xinxinpou, which confineth the Mos- 
covites, entring into a Sea innavigable, as being in 70. 
degrees of latitude. The Chinois affirme, that in 
Nanquin are eight hundred thousand housholds, foure and 
twentie thousand houses of Mandarines, sixtie two great 




market places; one hundred and thirtie shambles, each the old Maps 
having eightie blockes; eight thousand streets, of which of^^ East and 
the sixe hundred principall have grates of Latten on both fj^^lf^^'^j^. 
sides all alongst ; two thousand three hundred Pagodes or and sometimes 
Temples, one thousand of which are Monasteries of tAey did 
Religious persons, richlv built, with Towres of sixtie or graduate 
seventie Bells of Metall and Iron, which make a noise {f^^l^^imc^ 
horrible to heare; thirtie Prisons great and strong, each ffanquin 
having two or three thousand Prisoners, and an Hospitall. desmbed: See 
The houses of the Mandarines are of earth, encompassed ^/^^ ^'? 
with Walls and Ditches, with faire Bridges, and rich ^^^'^- . 
Arches. The principall Magistrates have high Towers 
with gilded pinacles, where are their Armories and 
Treasures. The Street-arches with their night shut Gates, 
their new and full Moone feasts, incredible fishings, their 
ten thousand Silke-loomes, one hundred and thirtie Gates 
in the strong wall, with as many Bridges over the ditch (a 
Porter, and two Halbardiers in each to see what goeth in 
or out) twelve Fortresses with Bulwarkes and Towers, 
but without Artillerie, the value to the King three 
thousand Cruzados a day, or two thousand Taeis, I can but 
touch. The rarities of China, compared with the things 
seene at home, seeme doubtfull or incredible. 

In the first two dayes wee saw in our journey by the Their Journey 
River no notable Citie or Towne, but of Villages a great h ^^terfrom 

?uantitie which seemed to be of Fisher-men and ^^^^.^^^ ^ 
*abourers, and within Land as farre as we saw, appeared 
woods of Pines and other trees. Orange groves, fields of 
Wheat, Rice, Millet, Panike, Barley, Rie, Pulse, Flaxe, 
Cotton, and Gardens with houses for the Grandes. 
Cattell appeared alongst the River as much as in Prete 
Johns Countrey. On the tops of Hills were seene *This aidinz 
Temples with gilded * Steeples shining farre off. On perhaps is but 
the fourth day we came to a good Citie called Pocasser, a kind of earth 
twice as big as Cantan, well walled with Townes and «'^(^^/'^ 
Bulwarkes, in manner like ours, with a Haven before the ^^kinzlih^^ 
wall of two Falcon shots long, festned with Iron grates in gold. 
two rewes, with Gates for the entrance and unlading of Pocasser. 



Tki Tiurtar 

A pensile 

$60, Pillars fo 
the 160, day es 
of the yeere. 

Queens silver 
Chappell^ and 
the riches and 
[III. ii. 266.] 


ships, which come thither from all parts. In the end of 
the Towne on a Mount stood a Castle with three 
Bulwarkes and five Towers, in one of which the Chinois 
told us, that the Father of this King held Prisoner nine 
yeeres a King of Tartaria, poisoned at last by his owne 
vassals, unwifling to give so much to redeeme him as was 
demanded. In this Citie, Chifu gave leave to three of 
us nine, to goe (with fbure Halbardiers to guard us) and 
begge Almes, which in sixe or seven streets gat the wcMth 
of twentie Cruzados in clothes and money, besides Flesh, 
Rice, Fruits, and Meale ; halfe of which our Guard had 
according to the custome. They carried us to a Temple 
where was great concurse of people that day, being 
solemne to that Sect of Tauhinarel (one of their 32. 
Gentile Sects.) That House thev said had beene the 
Kings, and that this Kings Grand-father was borne there, 
his Mother dying in child-birth, in honour of whose death 
and buriall in the same chamber he had dedicated this 
Temple in that Palace. All the Building with the Offices, 
Gardens, and all the appurtenances are founded in the 
aire on three hundred and sixtie Pillars (each of one stone) 
seven and twentie spannes high, bearing the names of the 
three hundred and sixtie dayes of the yeere ; and in each 
of them is a feast with much almes, bloody Sacrifices, and 
dances to the Idoll of that day and Pillar, which stands 
therein richly enshrined, with a Silver Lampe before him. 
Beneath goe eight streets or wayes enclosed on both sides 
with Latten grates, with doores for the people which come 
to those feasts. 

Over the house where the Queene was buried was a 
round Chappell all lined with Silver, seeming richer in 
the worke then matter. In the midst was a silver Throne 
of fifteene steps, round to the top encompassed with sixe 
rewes of silver grates with the tops gilded. On the 
highest of them was a great Globe, and thereon a Lion of 
silver bearing up a chist of Gold three spans square, in 
which they said were her bones, by the blind people 
worshipped as great Relikes. There hung on foure silver 



tyres which crossed the House, fortie three silver Lampes 
(so many yeares she lived) and seven of Gold in memory 
of her seven Sonnes. Without at the entry were two 
hundred fiftie three silver Lampes great and rich, which 
the Chaens and great mens Wives presented in her 
honour. Without the doores were in sixe rewes round 
about Statues of Giants fifteene spans high, well propor- 
tioned of Brasse, with Halberds and Maces in their hands, 
which the Chinois said were twelve hundred. Amongst 
them were foure and twentie Serpents of Brasse very great, 
each having a woman sitting thereon with a Sword in her 
hand of the same metall, and a silver Crowne on the head : 
so many had sacrificed themselves at her death to doe her 
service in the next World. Another compasse environed 
that of the Giants, all of triumphant Arches gilded, with 
a great quantitie of silver Bels hanging on silver chains, 
which by the motion of the Aire continually yeelded a 
strange sound. Without those Arches in the same pro- 
portion stand two rankes of Latten grates encircling the 
whole worke, set in spaces with Pillars of the same, and 
thereon Lions set on balls, which are the Armes of the 
Kings of China. 

At the foure corners were placed foure Monsters of The Jesuits 
Brasse, one (which the Chinois call the Devouring Serpent ^^y ^" J^^"^^ 
of the deepe Cave of the House of smoke) in the figure of ^i^^^T 
a dreadful! Serpent, with seven Serpents comming out of Monstrous 
his brest, spotted with greene and blacke with many statues, 
prickles more then a span long, quite thorow the bodie like 
Hedge-hogges, each having in his mouth a woman over- 
thwart, with dishevelled haires, looking deadly. The old 
or great Serpent holds in his mouth a Lizard halfe out, 
of above thirty spans in length, as bigge as a Pipe, with 
nose and lips full of bloud, and in his hands he holds a 
great Elephant so forcibly, that his entrails seeme to come 
out of his mouth ; all so naturally represented, that it is 
most dreadful to behold. The folds of his tayle were 
above twentie fathome long, enfolding therein another 
Monster, the second of the foure, called Tarcamparoo, 
XII 97 G 




which they say was the Sonne of that Serpent, which 
stands with both his hands in his mouth, which is as bigge 
as a gate, the teeth set in order, and the blacke tongue 
hanging out above two fathomes. Of the two other, one 
was the Figure of a woman, named Nadelgau, seventeene 
fathomes long, and sixe about, from whose waste issued a 
beake or face above two fathomes, which cast smoake out 
of the nosthrils, and flames of fire out of the mouth, which 
they make therein continually, saying, shee is the Queene 
of the Fierie Spheare, and shall bxurne the Earth at the 
end of the World. The fourth is like a man, set cowring 
with cheekes puffed like ships sayles, so monstrous that a 
man could not endure the sight. The Chinois call him 
Uzanguenaboo, and say, that it is hee which makes 
Tempests in the Sea, and throwes downe Houses by Land, 
to which the people give much Almes not to hxurt their 

The second day we went from Pocasser, and came to 
another Citie called Xinligau, very great, well built, walled 
with Tyles, ditched about ; with two Castles at the end, 
having their Towres, Bul-warkes, and Draw-bridges: in 
the midst of each Castle was a Towre of five Lofts with 
many workes painted, in which the Chinois said, were 
fifteene thousand Picos of silver, of the Rents gathered 
in that Archipelago, which this Kings Grand-father there 
layd up in memory of his Sonne Leuquinau, which 
signifieth the joy of all, holden for a Saint, because he 
dyed a Religious man, and lyes there buried in the 
Temple of Quiay Varatel, the God of all the Fishes in 
the Sea, of whom they have large Legends. In that 
Citie and another five leagues from it is made the greatest 
part of the Silke of that Kingdome, the waters there 
giving quicker colours (they say) then in other parts. 
The Weavers Loomes of these Silkes, which they affirme 
thirteene thousand, pay yearely to the King three hundred 
thousand Taeis. Going further up the River, wee came 
Httgepastures. the next day Evening to a great Champaigne, continuing 
ten or twelve leagues, in which were many Kine, Horses, 



God of Sea 




and Mares, pastured for the shambles as well as other flesh, 

and kept by many men on Horse-backe. These Cham- 

Qnes past, wee came to a Towne, called Junquileu, Junquiku, 
ed with Tyles, but without Towres or Bul-warkes. 
Here wee saw a stone Monument with an Inscription, 
Heere lyeth Trannocem Mudeliar, Uncle to the King of 
Malaca, who dyed before hee was revenged of Captayne 
Alboquerque, the Lion of Sea Robberies. We enquiring Alboquerque, 
hereof, an old Chinese said, that about fortie yeares agoe, ^^^tm.i.U, 
the man there interred had come Embassadour from a *'^^^' 3** 
King of Malaca, to sue to the Sonne of the Sunne, for 
succour against a Nation of a Land without name, which ^^ ztanUh 
had comme from the end of the World, and taken Malaca, juith^ the 
with other incredible particularities printed in a Booke Palsy^andit 
which hee made thereof. Having spent three yeares in seemesaktmiof 
this Suite, and brought it to some maturitie, hee sickned ^^"^ &^^^ 
of the Aire one night at Supper, dyed in nine dayes, and blasting of the 
left this Memoriall. Mre. 

Wee proceeded on our way the River growing lesse, 
but the Countrey more peopled, scarsly a stones cast free 
of some House, eyther of a Pagode, or Labourer. And 
two leagues higher on a Hill compassed with Iron grates 
were two Brasse Statues standing on their feete, one of a 
man, the other of a woman, both seventie foure spans long [III. ii.267.] 
with their hands in their mouthes, and puff^ed cheekes ; Tm mon- 
fastned to Cast-iron Pillars, seven fathomes high. The ^^^/T^' 
Male was named Quiay Xingatalor, the woman Apan- devotions, 
capatur. The Chinois told us that the man was Fire- 
blower in Hell to torment such as in this life gave them 
no Almes: the woman was the Hell-Porter, which 
suffered the Almes-givers to flye by a River of cold water, 
called Ochileuday, and hid them their from the Devils 
hxirting them. One of our company laughed at this Tale, 
whereat a Bonzo was so off^ended, that hee set Chifu in 
rage with us, who bound us hand and foot, and gave us 
one hundred stripes a-piece. Twelve Priests were 
incensing these Monsters when wee were there with 
Silver-censours full of sweet Odours, Saying, as wee serve 



Frequencie of 
China people. 


See Mass, 1, 6. 
these Portugall 
Rebels had 
Tamus, and 
raised a Fort 
in the Ilandy 
whence fil- 
kwed that 
out rage to 
Perez after 
foure moneths 
Canton to the 
Court, Lopez 
Soarez which 
sent Peirez to 
Chinay went 
Fice-royy A, 

Christians and 


thee, helpe thou us : another cx)mpany of Priests answer- 
ing : So I promise thee as a good Lord. And thus went 
they on Procession about the Hill an houres space 
sounding certayne Bels causing a dreadfull noyse. 

Hence wee passed up the River eleven dayes, all 
peopled with Cities, Townes, Villages, Castles, in many 
places, scarsly a Caliever shot distant one from another: 
and all the Land in compasse of our sight had store of 
great Houses, and Temples with gilded Steeples, which 
amazed us with the sight. Thus wee came to the Citie 
Sampitay, where wee stayed five dayes by reason of the 
sicknesse of Chifus Wife. There by his leave wee went 
thorow the streets, a begging, the people wondering at 
us, and giving us largely. One woman amongst otncrs 
which busily questioned with us, shewed us a Crosse 
branded on her left arme, asking if we knew that signe, 
and wee devoutly answering, yes, shee lifted up her hands 
to Heaven, and sayd. Our Father which art in Heaven, 
hallowed be thy Name, in Portugues, and could speake 
no more, but proceeded in China speech, and procxircd 
leave to lodge us at her House those five dayes ; telling us 
she was named Inez de Leiria, and was the Daughter of 
Thomas Perez, which came Embassadour to China, and 
by reason of a Rebellious Portugall Captayne, hee was 
taken as a Spye with twelve others; so beaten that five 
dyed, the other seven sundred to divers places, where they 
dyed in misery, only Vasco Calvo, being now left alive. 
Her Father, she said, was banished to this Townc, and 
there marryed with her Mother having somewhat to 
mayntaine her, and by him made a Christian. They lived 
together many yeares like good Catholikes, and converted 
many to the Faith of Christ, in that Citie three hundred 
assembled on Sundayes to her house to their holies. She 
shewed us an Oratorie in which was a Crosse of wood 
gilded, with a Candlesticke and silver Lampe. Wee 
asked her what they did, when they came th«-e, and shee 
said, nothing but kneele before that Crosse, with their 
hands and eyes lifted to Heaven, and say, Lord Jesus 



Christ, as it is true that thou art the true Sonne of God, 
conceived by the Holy Ghost in the wombe of the Holy 
Virgin Mary, for the salvation of Sinners, so pardon our 
sins, that wee may obtayne to see thy face in the glory of 
thy Kingdome, where thou sittest at the right hand of 
the Highest. Our Father which art in Heaven, hallowed 
be thy Name. In the Name of the Father, and of the 
Sonne, and of the Holy Ghost, Amen. And so kissing 
the Crosse, they embraced one another and went home; 
alway living friendly with each other. Her Father (she 
said) had left other Prayers written, which the Chinois 
had stolne away, so that now they could say no more. 
Whereupon we promised to leave her other Prayers, and 
taught the Christians seven times there, and Christopher 
Borrall writ in China Letters the Lords Prayer, Ave Mary, 
Creed, Salve Regina, Tenne Commandements, and other 
good Prayers. Shee had given a Present to Chifus Wife 
to deale with her Husband to give us this leave, and to 
use us kindly, and the Christians there gave us fiftie Taeis 
of Silver, and Inez de Leiria other fiftie closely, desiring 
us to remember her in our Prayers. 

We continued oxu* journey up the Batampina, to a 
place called Lequimpau, of tenne or twelve thousand 
Houses. Neere to the wall stood a long house with 
thirtie Furnaces for the purifying of silver which was 
taken out of a Hill five leagues distant, called Tuxen- 
guim; in which Mines the Chinois told us, there 
continually laboured one thousand men, and that it yeelded 
to the King yearely five thousand * Pikes of silver. We 
departed thence in the Evening, and the next Evening 
anchored betwixt two small Cities standing over against 
one another, one named Paean, the other Nacau, both 
well walled and builded. These two Cities occasion mee 
to recite what I have heard often heard read in the 
thirteenth Chapter of the first Chronicle of the fourescore 
which they have of the Kings of China ; that sixe hundred 
thirtie nine yeares after the Floud, there was a Land, called 
Guantipocau, in which lived a pettie Prince, called Turban, 



Mynes of 

* 1000, Picofs 
is a Million of 

Paean and 


Chronicles and 



which had by his Concubine Nancaa, three Sonnes, 
refusing to marry, and entring into Religion of the Idoll 
Gizom (still much esteemed in Japon, China, Cauchin- 
china, Camboia, Siam, of which I have seene many 
Temples) appointing his eldest Sonne by the said Nancaa 
his heire. His Mother then living was against this, and 
marryed herselfe with Silau a Priest, and slue Txirban, 
whereupon Nancaa and her children fled downe the River 
seventie leagues, and fortified a place which she called 
Pilaunera, that is, the refuge of the poore. Five yeares 
after Silau prepared a Fleet of thirtie Barkes to destroy 
her and all her faction, thinking that her Sons conuning 
Beginnings of of age might dispossesse him. But she having Intelli- 
the Kingdome gence, havmg of men, women, and children, not above 
of China. ^^^ thousand and three hundred persons, and but three 
or foure Boats not sufficient to conveigh away those few, 
by common consent and advice appointed a three dayes 
[III. ii. 268.] Fast therein to begge succour of God, in all which time 
none might eate above once, in paine of death. This 
Fast ended they cast Lots and the Lot fell on a Boy of 
seven yeares old, which was also named Silau, whom after 
all Ceremonies ended) they bid lift up his hands to 
Heaven, and tell them some remedie to these dangers. 
Who prophesied Victory to her over the Tyrant Siku, 
commanding her to embarke hers in her Enemies Barkes, 
and at the sound of the waters to runne along the Land, 
till God shewed where shee should found a habitation of 
great name, which through all times should send out his 
mercy with voyces and bloud of strange Nations: after 
which words the Boy fell downe dead. 
Legend of The thirty Barkes came (saith the Storie) five dayes 

eqmm. ^^^^^ without any people therein : for at a place called 

Catebasoy, a blacke Cloud arose over them, which rayned 
on them scalding drops, which destroyed them all. 
Nancaa with teares and thankes embarked her three Sonnes 
and the rest, and went downe the River conducted by the 
sound fortie seven dayes, and then came to the place where 
Pequim now stands. Five dayes after they came aland, 



was the first stone layd thereof by Pequim, eldest Sonne of 
Nancaa, and the Citie called by his owne name. And a 
silver shield hangeth on the Arch of the chiefe gate Pom- 
micotay, and hath this inscribed, in which are fortie 
Warders, and in the rest ordinarily but foiire. The day 
also of the foundation (beeing the third of August) is 
kept with great Solemnitie, and thereon the King useth to 
shew himselfe to the people. The later Kings also have 
made a Law that no Strangers, except Embassadours and No stranger 
Slaves should enter the Kingdome. The two other mayenur 
Brethren founded these two Cities, called by their owne ^'"'^' 
names Paean and Nacau, and their Mother founded 
Nanquin, which tooke the name of hers. 

IN the fift Booke of the chiefe places of that Empire, is 
written, that King Crisnagol (which reigned as we may 
accord our computation with theirs) about the yeare of our 
Lord 528. builded the wall, the people contributing ten The wall of 
thousand Pikes of silver (which are fifteene Millions of C^^^^- 
Cruzados) and two hundred and fiftie thousand men 
(thirtie thousand Officers and the rest Labourers) which 
was continued seven and twentie yeares, and then 
finished, being, saith that Booke the length of seventie 
laons (every laon is foure leagues and an halfe) which 
make three hundred and fifteene leagues. The Priests and 
lies are said to contribute as many, and the King and 
Officers another third, so that seven hundred and fiftie 
thousand men laboured therein. This wall I have seene Sois brasas 
and measured, being generally sixe fathomes high, and dalto W 
fortie spannes thicke : and foure fathomes runneth a kind f*^'*^^^ 
of Rampire, twice as thicke as the wall strengthened with ^ J^ 
a Bituminous substance on the out-side like Potters 
worke ; and in stead of Bulwarkes it hath houses of two 
lofts with beames of blacke wood, called Caubesy, that is. 
Iron-wood, seeming stronger then if they were of stone- 
worke. This wall or Chanfacau (so they call it, that is, yson todas 
strong resistance) runneth with an equall course till it chanfradas « 
encounters with Hils, which are all Chanfi-ed and made so Z'^^- 



Five Rivers 
the wall. 


Thus in 
Spainey Male- 
factors are 
sentenced to 
the GalReSy or 
Garrisons of 
Oran, Penon, 

Huge Prison. 

Ckaens of the 


that it is stronger then the wall it selfe, the wall being 
only in the spaces twixt Hill and Hill, the Hils them- 
selves making up the rest. 

In all that way are but five entrances, caused by the 
Tartarian Rivers, which with impetuous force cut the 
Countrey above five hundred leagues entring the Sea of 
China, and Cauchin-china : And one of them more forcible 
then the others enters the Kingdome of Sornau (com- 
monly called Siam) by the Barre of Cuy. At every of 
those five entrances the King of China hath one Fort and 
the Tartar another: in every of the China Forts there 
are seven thousand men, six thousand foot, and one 
thousand Horse, in continuall pay ; most of them 
Strangers, Mogors, Champaas, Pancrus, Coracones, and 
Gizares of Persia, the Chinois being but meane Souldiers. 
In all the space of this wall are three hundred and twentic 
Regiments, each of five hundred men (in all one hundred 
& sixty thousand) besides Ministers, Commanders, and 
their retinue which the Chinois said, made in all two hun- 
dred thousand men, allowed by the King only sustenance^ 
all or most of them being condemned to that service, and 
therefore receiving no pay. And in Pequim is a great 
and admirable Prison-house, in which are Prisoners con- 
tinually for the Fabricke of this wall of three hundred 
thousand men and upwards, most of them fi-om eighteene 
to five and fortie yeares old: whereof some are men of 
good qualitie, which for their ill behaviours and enormities 
are hither sentenced, expecting to be removed hence to 
the service of the wall : whence they may have retume 
according to the Statutes thereof made, and approoved by 
the Chaens, which therin dispense the Regall power with 
meere and mixt Empire. There are twelve of them which 
may pay to the King a Million of Gold for Rent. 




§. nil. [III. ii. 269.] 

Mindo Salt-pits : Mines of Coretumbaga, Copper- 
workes; Idolatry and Christianitie ; China 
Trades, and River Faires; their comming to 
Pequin, tryall and sentence. Rarities of Pequin. 

BO return to our Voyage, from Paean and Nacan, 
wee passed up the River to Mindoo, a greater Mindoo. 
Citie then either of the former, which on the Land 
side had a great Lake of Salt-water, with great store of 
Salt-pits therein, which the Chinois said, did ebbe and 
flow like the Sea, from which it is above two hundred 
leagues distant; and that this Citie Rents to the King Thecustmes 
yearely one hundred thousand Taeis, of the thirds of a>°^^^?* 
the Salt, and as much more of the Silkes, Sugars, Porce- 
lane, Camfire, Vermillion, Quick-silver, which are there 
in great quantitie. Two leagues above this Citie were 
twelve long Houses, in which many men were sounding 
and purifying Copper, making such a noise with the 
Hammers that this place (if any on Earth) may resemble 
Hell. In each House were fortie Furnaces, twentie on 
a side, with fortie great Anviles, on each whereof eight 
men were hammering round, with such quicknes as scarce 3840. Ham- 
permitted the eyes observance; so that in each house ^J^^!^: 
there were three hundred and twentie continuall Labourers, loJ^^^aeis 
besides Workmen of other kinds. Wee asked how much 
Copper they might make yearely, and they answered, 
betwixt one hundred and ten, and one hundred and 
twentie thousand Pikes, of which the King had two parts, 
because the Mynes were his; the Hill where the Mine 
was, is called Coretumbaga, that is. River of Copper, 
which in two hundred yeares (so long was since the 
Discovery) was not emptied. 

Above these Houses one league neere the River, wee 
saw on a Hill encompassed with three rewes of Iron 
Grates, thirtie Houses in five rankes, very long, with 
great Towres of Bels of Metall, and Cast-Iron, with gilded 



China ruled 
over IntHa, 


A Christian 
Lucena hath 
this storie. 


Pillars and carved workes, and artificiall Frontispieces of 
stone. Here we went on Land by Chifus leave, because, 
hee had so vowed to that Pagode, which is called 
Bigaypotim, that is, the God of one hundred and ten 
thousand Gods, Corchoo, Fungane, ginato ginaca, strong 
& great (say they) above all the rest: For they hold 
every thing hath a particular God which made it and 
preserves it in its nature, & that this Bigaypotim brought 
forth all of them at his arme-pits, and that of him tfcy 
all hold their being, as of a father by filiall union, which 
they call Byaporentesay. In P^u where I have beene 
sometimes, there is a Pagode like this (there called 
Ginocoginana, the God of all greatnesse) whose Temple 
was built by the Chinois when they ruled in India, which 
was after their Computation accorded with ours from 
Anno Dom. 1013. till 1072. conquered by Oxiuagan, 
whose Successor seeing how much bloud was payd for 
so little good, voluntarily relinquished it. In those thirtie 
Houses stood a great quantitie of Idols of gilded wood, 
and as many more of Tinne, Copper, Latten, Iron, Porce- 
lane, so many that I dare not mention the number. Wee 
had not gone thence sixe or seven leagues, when we saw 
a great Citie ruined with the Houses and wals on the 
ground, seeming a league in circuit. The Chinois said, 
that it had beene called Cohilouzaa, that is Flowre of the 
field, sometimes prosperous ; and that one hundred fortie 
two yeares since, as is written in a Booke, name Toxe- 
falem, there came in company of Merchants from the 
Port of Tana9arim, a man which wrought Miracles, in a 
moneths space raising up five dead persons, the Bonzos 
saying, he was a Witch, and because they could not hold 
dispute with him, provoking the people against him, 
saying, that if they did not kill him, God would punish 
them with fire from Heaven. The inraged multitude 
killed one John a Weaver, where he sojourned, and 
his two Sonnes in Law, and his Sonne; which sought 
to defend him, and when they had gone about to burne 
him, in vaine, the fire being extinct, the Bonzos stoned 



him, preaching Christ unto them, which had come from 
Heaven to dye for Sinners, and to give life to all which 
professed his Law with Faith and Works. They say, 
that the bodie was cast into the River, which for the space 
of five dayes would not runne lower, and thereby many 
were moved to professe that Religion : and as wee doubled 
a point of Land, we saw a Crosse of stone on a little Hill ^ Crosse, 
environed with Trees. Chifus Wife falling into travell 
(of which she dyed) we stayed there nine dayes, and did 
our Devotions thereto, prostrate on the Earth. The 
people of the Village (called Xifangu) marvelling, came 
running to the place and falling on their knees, kissed 
the Crosse often, saying, Christo Jesu, Jesu Christo, Maria 
Micau, late impone Moudel, that is, was a Virgin in his 
Conception, Birth, and after it. They asked if they were 
Christians, and we affirming it, had us to their Houses 
and used us kindly, being all of that Weavers Posteritie 
and Christians. They also confirmed that which the 
Chinois had told us, and shewed us the Booke printed 
of his Miracles, which they said was named Matthew MauEscandel 
Escandel, an Hungarian by Nation, an Heremite of Mount anHungarian. 
Sinay, borne at Buda. That Booke tels that nine dayes 
after his death, the Citie Cohilouza shooke so, that the Earthquake. 
people ranne out into the fields, and abode in Tents ; to 
whom the Bonzos came and bid them feare nothing, The China 
for they would beseech Quiay Tiguarem, the God of ^^^^* 
the night, to command the Earth to doe so no more, [III. ii. 270.] 
otherwise they would give him no Almes. Thus went 
the Priests alone in Procession to that Idols House, and 
making their night-Sacrifices and Perfumes, the Earth 
quaked about eleven of the clocke at night, and over- 
threw the whole Citie (one only of about foure thousand 
Bonzas remayning alive) into a Lake more than one 
hundred fathomes deepe, called after this Fiunganorsee, 
that is, punished from Heaven. 

Hence we came to a great Citie, called Junquilinau, Junquilinau. 
very rich, with many Junkes and Barkes, where we 
stayed five dayes, Chifu there celebrating his Wives 



S^m colaresy 
nem algemas. 

How such 
numbers Rve. 

Infinite pro- 
visions and 
store houses. 


Exequies, and giving us food and rayment for her soule, 
freeing us from the Oare, and giving us leave to goe 
on Land when wee would, without our * Collers, which 
was very great ease to us. Thence we went up the 
River, still seeing on both sides many and faire Cities 
and Townes, and other very great populations, strongly 
walled, and Fortresses alongst the water with Towres and 
rich Houses of their Sects, with innumerable cattell in 
the fields, and shipping in the River, in some places five 
hundred, six hundred, yea, one thousand sayle, in which 
were sold all things could be named. Many Chinois 
affirmed, that there were as many lived in that Empire 
on the water, as in Cities and Townes: so many 
in both, that were it not for the good government of 
their Trades, they would eate one an other. As in 
Duckes, one trades in buying and hatching the Egges, 
and selling the young; another in breeding them for 
sale when they are great, others in the Feathers, others 
in the heads, and in wares, others in the Egges, &c. none 
interloping the others Trade under paine or thirtie stripes. 
In Hogs, one trades in selling them together alive, others 
kill them, and sell them by weight, others in Bacon, others 
in Pigges, others in Souse. So in fish, hee which sels 
fresh may not sell salt, some sell them alive, &c. and 
so in Fruits and other things. And none may change 
his Trade without license. They have also along this 
River of Batampina, in which wee went from Nanquin 
to Pequin, (the distance of one hundred and eightie 
leagues) such a number of Ingenios for Sugar, and 
Presses for Wines, and Oyles made of divers sorts of 
Pulse and Fruits, that there are streets of them on both 
sides of the River, of two or three leagues in length. In 
other parts are many huge store-houses of infinite pro- 
visions of all sorts of flesh, in which are salted and 
smoked Beefe, tame and wilde Hogs, Ducks, Geese, 
Cranes, Bustards, Emes, Deere, Bu^s, Ants, Horse, 
Tygres, Dogs, and all flesh which the Earth brings forth, 
which amuzed and amazed us exceedingly, it seeming 




impossible that there should bee people in the World 
to eate the same. Wee saw also great store of Barkes 
fenced at Poupe and Prow, with Reedes of Canes full 
of Ducks to sell, in divers lofts over one another, which 
goc out at foure strokes of a Drumme, sixe or seven 
thousand together to feed, where they set them, at the 
sound of the Drumme returning againe, with like exceeding 
crie. In the like sort they let them out to lay on the 
grasse. They that hatch them have long houses with 
twentie Furnaces full of dung, with some hundreds of 
Egges covered therein, and hatched by that heate, the 
mouth stopped till they thinke fit time, then putting in 
a Capon halfe plucked and wounded on the brest, they 
shut it againe, and after two dayes, the Capon hath drawne 
them all forth, and they put them into holes provided 
for them. 

We saw along the River in some places store of Swine Pastures of 
wild and tame kept by men on Horsebacke, in other ^^<*'^'- 
places tame Deere kept by Footmen, all maymed in the 
right foreleg, that they should not runne away, which they 
doc when they are young. Wee saw Pennes full of litde 
Dogges to sell, Barkes ftiU of Pigges, others of Lizards, Dogs fir meat. 
Frogs, Snakes, Snailes, all being meate with them. In 
these (being of small price) they may sell many kinds. 
Yea, the dung of men is there sold, and not the worse 
Merchandize, that stinke yeelding sweet wealth to some, 
who goe tabouring up and downe the streets to signifie 
what they would buy. Two or three hundred sayle are 
seene sometimes fraighted with this lading in some Port 
of the Sea; whence the fatned soyle yeelds three Harvests 
in a yeare. 

Wee came to a Faire of China where on the water 
2000. Barkes, besides small Boats which goe up and 
downe and small Barkes were assembled in one place, 
and made a Citie with streets in the water above a league Moveable 
long, and a third part of a league broad. These Faires Ci^es on the 
are principally on the Holy day of some Pagode, whose ^^^^\ 
Temple is by the waters side. In this Watcr-citie, by the 




order of the Aitao of Bitampina (who is chiefe President 
of the thirtie two Admirals of the thirtie two Kingdomes 
of this Monarchic) are sixtie Captaynes appointed ; thirtie 
for the government and ordering of the same in matters 
of Justice, and other thirtie to guard the Merchants in 
comming safely secured from Theeves. Over all these 
is a Chaem, which hath Mere and mixt Rule in Causes 
Civill and Criminall without Appeale. These Faires last 
from the new Moon to the fill, in which it is a goodly thing 
Beauties and to see two thousand streets or ranks strait, enclosed with 
glories of this Barkes, most of them flourishing with Streamers and 
Rher-Citie. Banners, and railes painted, whereon are sold all things 
that can be desired, and others Mechanike Trades, & in 
the midst Boats going up and downe with people to trade 
without any conmsion or tumult. As soone as it is night, 
the streets are enclosed with Cables. In every street is 
ten Lanthornes lighted on the Masts (which yeelds a 
fairer lustre then the former sight by day) to see who 
goeth by and what is his businesse. In each of these 
streets is a Watch-bell, and when that of the Chaems 
sounds, all the rest answer with as strange an Object 
to the Eare as the former to the Eye. In every of these 
[III. ii. 271.] Vowes are Oratories built on Barkes with gilded Tents, 
where the Idoll and Priests receive the Devotions and 
Ofierings of the people. 

Amongst other remarkable things we saw one rew or 
street of above one hundred Barkes laden with Idols of 
gilded wood of divers sort, which are sold to be offered in 
the Pagodes; and besides, feet, legs, armes, and heads, 
which sicke folkes offered for Devotion. Other Barkes 
there are with Tents of Silke, in which Comedies and 
pastimes are represented. In others are sold Letters of 
Exchange, the Priests giving them Bils to receive in 
Heaven what their folly lay downe there, with great 
increase (Our Scriveners would scarsly grow rich here with 
that Trade) others are laden with skuls of dead men, they 
dreaming that all the Almes of those men, whose skuls 
these have beene, shall belong to their soules, and that the 




Porter of Heaven seeing them come with thus many 
attending, will open to him as an honourable person: 
Others have Cages of Birds, and call to men to set free 
those Captives, which are the creatures of God, with their 
Almes which they which doe, let loose the Bird and bid 
him tell God what he hath done in his Service : others do 
the like with living fishes, offering their freedome to the 
charitable Redeemers (which themselves will not give 
them ; much like the sale of Indulgences) saying, they are 
Innocents which never sinned, which freed by Almes are 
let goe in the River with commendations of this their 
Redeemers Service to the Creator. Other Barkes carry 
Fidlers and Musicians to offer their Service : Others (the 
Priests) sell homes of sacrificed Beasts, with promise of I 
know not what Feasts in Heaven : others had Tents of 
sorrow, Tombes and all Funerall appurtenances with 
Women-mourners, to be let out for Burials : others laden 
with Books of all sorts of Historic, and these also have 
Scriveners and Proctors ; others have such as offer their 
service to fight in defence of their honour; others have 
Mid-wives, others Nurses ; others carry grave men and 
women to comfort those that have lost Husbands, Wives, 
Children, and the like disconsolate persons : others Boyes 
and Girles for service ; others offer Counsellors in Cases 
of Law or Learning ; others Physicians : and to con- 
clude, nothing is to bee sought on the Land which is 
not here to be found in this Water-citie. 

Once, the cause of the greatnesse of this Kingdome of 
China, is this easie concourse of all parts by water and 
Rivers : some of which in narrow places have bridges of 
stone like ours, and some made of one only stone laid 
over, sometimes of eightie, ninetie, or one hundred 
spannes, long, and fifteene or twentie broad. All the 
High-wayes have large Causies made of good stone, with Bridges^ and 
PiUers and Arches fairely wrought inscribed with the ^^-^^y^ 
Founders names and prayses in golden Letters. In many ^'^^'^^^^• 
places they have Wels to refresh the Travellers. And in 
more barren and lesse inhabitated places are single women 




The Authors 


Filthy charity, which give free entertainment to such as have no monie, 
which abuse and abomination, they call a worke of 
Mercie, and is provided by the deceased for good of their 
soules, with Rents and mayntenance. Others have also 
bequeathed in the like places, houses with Lights to see 
the way, and fires for Travellers, water and Lodging. I 
have in one and twentie yeares unfortunate travels seene a 
great part of Asia, and the riches of Europe, but if my 
testimonie be worthy credit, all together is not comparable 
to China alone : such are the endowments of nature in a 
wholsome Ayre, Soyle, Rivers, and Seas, with their Policie, 
Justice, Riches and State, that they obscure all the lustres 
of other parts. Yet such is their bestiall and Devillish 
Idolatry, and filthy Sodomitry publikly permitted, com- 
mitted, taught by their Priests as a vertue, that I cannot 
but grieve at their ungratitude. 

Departing from this admirable Citie, we sailed up the 
River, till on the ninth of October, on Tuesday we came 
to the great Citie of Pequim, whither wee were sent by 
Appeale. Wee went three and three as Prisoners, and 
were put in a prison called Gofania serca, where for an 
entrance they gave each of us thirtie stripes. Chifu which 
brought us presented to the Aitao our Processe signed 
with twelve seales from Nanquin. The twelve Conchalis 
which are Criminall Judges, sent one of their company 
with two Notaries, and sixe or seven Officers to the 
Prison where wee were, and examined us, to whom we 
answered as before, and hee appointed us to make petition 
to the Tanigores, of the holy Office by our Proctors, 
and gave us a Taell for almes, with a caveat to beware of 
the Prisoners that they robbed us not ; and then went 
into another great Roome, where he heard many Prisoners 
Causes, three houres together, and then caused execution 
to be done on seven and twentie men, sentenced two 
dayes before, which all dyed with the blowes to our great 
Their hard And the next day wee were collared and manided, 

usage. being much afraid that our Calempluys businesse would 


come to light. After seven dayes the Tanigores of the 
Hospitall of that Prison came in, to whom we with pitiful! 
lamentation gave the Certificate which wee brought from 
Nanquin. By their meanes the Conchalis petitioned the 
Chaem to revoke the Sentence of cutting off our thumbs, 
seeing there was no testimonie of theft by us committed, 
but only our povertie, we more needed pitie than rogour. 
He heard the pleading for and against us for divers daies. Their Cam 
the Prometor or Fiscall laying hard against us that wee ^^'*^- . 
were theeves ; but being able to prove nothing, the T ^^^ l 
Chaem suspended him from his Office, and condemned // sgema by 
him in twentie Taeis to us, which was brought us. And the Jtulgt 
at last we were brought into a great Hall painted with tohkh had sen- 
divers representations of execution of Justice for severall ^f-Jj^^ 
crimes there written, very fearefuU to behold : and at the 
end a fairer gilded roome crossed the same, where was a 
Tribunal! with seven steps, compassed with three rewes of [III. ii. 272.] 
grates, Iron, Latten, and blacke Wood ; inlayed with 
Mother of pearle, having a Canopie of Damaske fringed Tribunal and 
with Gold and greene Silke, and underneath a Chair of P^^P^- 
Silver for the Chaem, and a little Table before him, with 
three Boyes attending on their knees richly attired, with 
chaines of gold on their neckes ; the middlemost to give 
him his Penne, the other two to receive Petitions and to 
present them on the Table ; two other Boyes standing at 
his side in exceeding rich aray, the one representing 
Justice, the other on the right hand Mercy, without which 
conjoyned, the Judge (they say) becomes a Tyrant. (The 
rest of the state and ceremonie I omit) wee kneeling on 
our knees, with our hands lifted up, and our eyes cast 
downe to the ground, heard gladly our Sentence of 
absolution. Only we were for one yeere banished to the 
workes of Quansy, and eight moneths of that yeere ended QuoHsy 
to have free pasport to goe home, or whither we would, works. 
After the Sentence pronounced, one of the Conchalys 
stood up, and five times demanded aloud if any could take 
exception against the Sentence : and all being silent, the 
two Boyes representing Justice, and Mercy, touched each 
XII 113 H 



others Ensignes which they had in their hands, and said 
aloud, let them be free according to the Sentence, and 
presently two Chumbims tooke off our Collars and 
Manicles, and all our bonds. The foure moneths (the 
TAe Kings Tanigores told us) were taken off the yeere, as the Kings 
a/mes. almes in regard of our povertie ; for had wee beene rich, 

wee must have served the whole yeere. They gave us 
foure Taeis of almes, and went to the Captaine which was 
to goe for Quansy to commend us to his charitie, which 
used us accordingly. 

Description of T)Equin may be called the Mother Citie of the Worlds 

Paqmm^oras Jf Monarchie for the wealth, government, greatnesse, 

^^/vp"^^' justice, provisions. It stands in the height of 41 d^rees 

to the North; it contayneth in circuit, as the Chinois 

(and as I after heard read in a little Booke written of the 

Aquisendoo a greatnesse thereof, called Aquesendoo, which I brought 

Booke written ^j^h j^ee into this Kingdome) thirtie leagues, ten in 

of eqmn. length, and five in bredth, all which space is environed 

with two Walls, and innumerable Towers and Bulwarkes. 

Without is a larger space, which they say, was anciently 

\6oo. houses peopled, which now hath but Hanilets, and scattered 

for Deputies. Houses, and Garden-houses, of which sixteene hundred 

are of principal! note, in which are the sixteene hundred 

Proctors for the sixteene hundred Cities and Townes of 

note, of the two and thirtie Kingdomes of this Monarchic, 

which reside there three yeeres for the said Townes. 

Without this circuit or wall, there are in the space of 

three leagues broad, and seven long, foure and twentic 

24000. thousand Sepulchres of Mandarines, with their little gilded 

sepulchers. Chappels, encompassed with grates of Iron and I^tten, 

with rich Arches at their entries. Neere to them are 

Gardens, Groves, Tankes, Fountaines ; the walls lined 

within with fine Porcelane, adorned also with Lions and 

Pinacles of divers paintings. There are in that space five 

Hospitals ^00. hundred Lodgings, called Houses of the Sonne of the 

Sunne, for entertainment of Souldiers maimed in the 

Kings warres (besides many others for the old and sicke) 



every of which receive their monethly allowance, and have 
in them as they said two hundred men, in all one 
hundred thousand. Wee saw another street very long, 
where lived foure and twentie thousand Rowers for the 24000. 
Kings shipping : and another above a league long, where ^^rgemen. 
lived fourteene thousand Taverners for provision for the H^oo. 
Court; and another where were infinite Curtesans freed Q^l^san 
from tribute (which those of the Citie pay) for service of street. 
the Court, many running from their husbands, and here 
protected by the Tutan of the Court, which is supreme in 
cases of the Kings house. 

In that compasse also live the Landerers of the Citie, 1 00000. 
which were, as they told us, above one hundred thousand, LamUrers, 
there being many Tankes or Ponds compassed with stone 
and Rivers. There are therein, as that Booke sayth, 
thirteene hundred Noble houses of Religious men and 1300- 
women, which professe the foure chiefe Sects of the two Monasteries. 
and thirtie which are in that Kingdome : some of which, 
they say, have above one thousand persons within them 
besides servitors. There are other houses store with great 
walls in which are Gardens, and Groves with game for 
hunting ; and are as it were the Halls of Companies 
where many resort to see Playes, and the great men make 
their feasts there with incredible costs. Some of these 
houses cost above a million, maintayned by Companies of 
rich Merchants, which are said to gaine* much thereby. *By letting 
And when any will make a feast, he goeth to the Xipatom ^^^ ^^^^^ ^ 
of the house, who sheweth him a Booke wherein is o^^^^^- 
contayned the order of feasts and services (which Booke I 
have seene and heard read) of all sorts, and of what prices 
they are, whether Sacred to their Idols, or Secular, (of 
which our Authour hath a large Chapter, here omitted.) 

Now for Pequin, it hath three hundred and sixtie 3^0- ^^'^^ 
Gates, each having a Castlet with two Towers, and a ''»'^^^^^^^- 
Draw-bridge, a Notarie, and foure Warders, to take notice 
of those which goe in and out, and an IdoU proper 
according to the dayes of the yeere, every of which is 
festivall in one of them. The Chinois reported that there 




3800. are therein three thousand eight hundred Temples or 

Temples. Pagodes, in which are continually sacrificed birds and 

wilde beasts, which they say, are more acceptable then 

tame : those especially very faire which are of the 

Menigrepos, and Conquiais, and Talagrepos, the Priests 

FourecJnefe ^f ^j^g foure chiefe Sects, of Xaca, Amida, Gizon, and 

Gmom. The streets are long and large, the houses 

faire, of one or two lofts, encompassed with Iron and 

[III. ii. 273.] Latten grates, and at the streets end are triumphall arches, 

closed at night; in the chiefe are Watch-bells. Every 

street hath a Captaine and foure Quarter-masters or 

Corporals, which every ten dayes acquaint the Lonchacys 

1 20. Rwerets. or Chaems with occurrents. That Booke reports of one 

hundred and twentie water-passages, sixe fathome deepe 

1800. of water, and twelve wide, with many stone bridges, 

Bridges. which are said to be eighteene hundred rich and faire, 

with arches, pillars, and chaines: it tels also of one 

120, Market' hundred and twentie Market-places, each of which have 

places. ^jjgjj. ynonethly Faires, (which make some foure fakes a 

day thorow the yeere) of which we saw ten or twelve 

in our two moneths free abode, very ftill of horse-men 

and foot-men with all commodities to be sold. There 

^^°- are one hundred and sixtie Shambles, each having one 

SAamdles. hundred blockes for Flesh of all sorts, the price set 

downe on every blocke, and besides the shop-weights, 

are weights at every Gate to examine the weight againe. 

And besides those generall shambles, every street hath 

five or sixe shops which sell all kinde of Flesh : houses 

also for Poultrie, and for Bacon, and hanged Beefe, 




§. V. 

Fourc Buildings incredibly admirable in Pequin, 
and divers of their superstitions : their Hospitals 
and Provisions for the Poore. The Kings 
revenues and Court ; their Sects. 

Ut nothing seemed to me more admirable, then Prism of the 
the Prison, called Xinanguibaleu, that is, the e^Ud,tatke 
Prison of the exiled, whose compasse contayneth ^^^ ^^^^ 
about two leagues square, as well in length as breadth, eigJ^ leagues 
walled high and ditched deepe, with draw-bridges hanged compasse. 
on Iron cast pillars very great. It hath a high arch with 
two towers, whereon are six great watch-Bels, at the 
sound whereof the rest within answer, which are sayd 
to bee one hundred. In this Prison are continually 
Aree hundred thousand men from *sixteene to fiftie *0r 18./&45. 
yccrs of age, all condemned to banishment, for the 
frbrike of the wall betwixt Tartaria and China; whom 
the King findes maintainance onely, without other pay. 
After they have served sixe yeares they may goe out Multitudes of 
fredy, the King freely remitting their sentence in satis- Prisoners and 
fiction of their labour. And if in the meane time, they ^]^^^ 
kill an encmie, or have beene thrice wounded in sallies, 
or perfbrme any worthy exploit, he is also freed. There 
ait *two hundred & ten thousand employed in that *Beforehee 
service, of which yeerly in those that dye, are maimed sa^dzooooo, 
or freed, one third part is set off, and supplyed from 
that Prison, which was builded by Goxiley the successor 
of Crisnagol, the founder of the wall, brought thither 
from all parts of the Realme, and sent to the Chaem 
of the wall at his appointment. These prisoners are 
sent from other prisons, being loose, save that they 
weare at their necke, a board of a spanne long and foure 
fingers broad, inscribed with their name, and sentence 
rf exile, such a time. In this Prison are two Faires Huge Faires, 
yccrcly, one of which wee saw, kept in July and Januarie, 
fianke and free without payment of tolls ; to which are 






and so after. 



thought to assemble three millions of persons: the 
Prisoners being meane-while shut up. The Prison hath 
three Townes, as it were, with streets and Officers, besides 
the Chaems lodgings, fit to entertaine a King. There 
are also all necessaries sold. There are groves, and tankes 
of water for washing, Hospitals also and twelve Monas- 
teries, with rich houses, wanting nothing that a rich and 
noble Citie should have : the Prisoners having their 
Wives and Children with them, the King allowing a 
competent house for them. 

Another building about as great as that, was the 
Muxiparan, or treasure of the Dead, compassed with a 
strong wall and ditch, with many stone Towers and 
painted pinacles : the wall on the top in stead of battle- 
ments, was compassed with Iron grates, close to which 
were set great store of Idols of different figures, of Men, 
Serpents, Horses, Oxen, Elephants, Fishes, Snakes, 
monstrous formes of Wormes, and creatures never seene ; 
all of Brasse and cast Iron, and some of Tinne, and 
Copper ; a sight more admirable to the view, then can 
be imagined. Passing by a bridge over the ditch, wee 
came to a great Hill, *at the first entrie all environed 
with thicke grates of Latten, floored with stones white 
and blacke, so shining that a man might see himsdfe 
therein, as in a glasse. In the midst of that Hill stood 
a marble pillar of sixe and thirtie spannes high, all seemit^ 
to bee but one stone ; on the top whereof stood an Idofl 
of silver with a womans face, with both hands griping a 
Serpent spotted with blacke and white. And further, 
before the gate (which stood betwixt two high towers, 
borne upon foure and twentie bigge stone pifiars) stood 
two figures of men with Iron maces or battle Axesj in 
their hands, as guarding the passage, one hundred and 
fortie spannes high, with dreadfull countenances, called 
Xixipitau Xalican, that is, the Blowers of the House of 
Smoake. At the entrie of the gate, stood twelve Hal- 
berdiers, and two Notaries at a table, which writ downe 
all that entred. After wee were entred, we came into 




a large street set on both sides with rich Arches, with 

infinite bells of Latten hanging thereon, by latten chaynes, 

by the mooving of the ayre yeelding a great sound. The 

street was almost halfe a league long, and within those [III. ii. 274.] 

arches were two rankes of houses, like as it were great 

Churches with gilded pinacles, and painted inventions, 

in number as the Chinois affirmed three thousand, all l^oo Homes 

from the bottome to the roofe full of Sculls of dead men. >^?^'^«^'- 

Behind those houses was a hill of Bones, reaching to the ChinaChamel 

roofes of the houses, of the same length of halfe a league ^^ ^rgatone, 

and very broad. Wee asked the Chinois, if any account 

were kept thereof, and they answered, that the Talagrepos 

which had the government of those houses, had registers 

for them all, and that every house yeelded two thousand J'^ ^^ 

Taeis rent, left thereto by the deceased for their soules triumphant in 

discharge, the King having therof the fourth part, and mpendiom 

the Talagrepos the rest for expences of the Fabrike ; Serpents ; then 

the Kings fourth part was spent on the exiled Prisoners ^^^^ neither 

of Xinamguibaleu. cnZ!^7hath 

Wee walked thorow the street, and in the midst saw teene more 
a great hill round encompassed, with two rewes of Latten abused to 
grates ; in the midst whereof was a brazen Serpent, about ^^p^^stition as 
thirtie fathoms in her circles, well proportioned, notwith- ^that^huam- 
standing that incredible massinesse. This monstrous quests Gen. 3. 
Snake which the Chinois called the Serpent devourer of though a 
the House of smoake, had set in his head, a Ball or sponger then 
Bullet of cast Iron of two and fiftie spannes circumference. ^ ^He^hraxen 
Above twentie paces further, was the figure of a Man serpent^ Job. 
in brasse, of Giantly limbs and proportion, who sustained 3. hath taken 
with both his hands another bullet, which (eying the theoldSerpent 
Serpent with an angry visage) made as though he threw ^^^ptivitie 
it at him. Round about that figure, were many smal captive^ and 
gilded Idols on their knees, with hands lifted up to him brake the 
as in admiration : and in foure wyres of iron environing, ^^?^^ ^^^^ 
were one hundred and sixtie two silver Candlestickes, ^^^^ ^^^^ 
each having sixe, seven, and ten nosles. This Idoll gave intended with 
name to the whole Fabrike, and was called Muchiparom, Ethnike 
who was, sayth the Chinois, the Treasurer of all the ^'^w^^V- 




bones of the dead, and that Serpent comming to rob 
them, hee threw that bullet in his hands, and made her 
flee to the darke bottome of the house of smoake, where 
God had cast her for her badnesse: And that three 
thousand yeeres before hee made the former throw, and 
that three thousand yeeres after, he shall make another, 
and so each three thousand yeeres another, till the fifth 
which shall kill her: after which all these bones shall 
returne to their bodyes, to remayne alway in the house 
of the Moone. This their Bonzos preach, and that those 
soules shall bee happie, whose bones are thither brought, 
so that no day passeth in which two thousand bones are 
not brought thither. And they which are too farre 
distant to have their bones brought, send a Tooth or 
two, which with their almes will doe as much good as 
the whole : so that I suppose there are teeth enough in 
those houses to lade many ships. 
The third A third building wee saw without the walls, sumptuous 

^^^i f and rich, named Nacapirau, which signifieth, The Queene 
IfaMhauthe °^ Heaven ; which they meane not of the Virgin Marie, 
Junoof China, but thinke that as temporall Kings are married, so also 
is the Heavenly, and that the Children which hee getteth 
of Nacapirau, are the Starres ; and when the starres seeme 
to shoute or fall in the ayre, that then one of those 
Children dye, all his brethren weeping so many teares, 
that the Clouds are therewith filled, and water the earth, 
and make it fruitfuU, as being the almes which God gives 
140. for the soule of the deceased. Wee saw heere one 

Monasteries, hundred and fortie Monasteries, of their wickedly 
Religious men and women ; in every of which, were 
sayd to bee foure hundred persons, which come to axe 
and fiftie thousand ; besides servitours, which have not 
yet vowed the profession, as those within, who goc in 
sacred habite of red with greene stoles, their beards and 
heads shaven, with beades about their neckes, for their 
prayers, but aske no almes, having sustenance of their 
owne proper. In this Edifice of Nacapirau, the Tartarian 
King lodged. Anno 1544. when hee layd siege to this 



Citie, as shall after bee delivered ; wherein for a divellish 
and bloudie Sacrifice, he commanded 30000. persons to Tartarian 
be slaine : fifteen thousand of which were Women, or ^ruelHe. 
girles rather, the Daughters of the chiefe men of the 
Kingdome, and Religious, professed of the Sects of Quiay Nunnes sacred 
Figrau, God of the Motes of the Sunne, and of Quiay to divers Gods. 
Niuandel, God of the Battells, and of Compouitau, and 
of foure others, Quiay Mitru, Quiay Colompom, Quiay 
Muhelee, and Muhee Lacasaa, whose five Sects, are the 
chiefe of the two and thirtie. Within this building wee 
saw divers memorable things. One was a Wall against 
the other, almost a league compasse, borne up with stone 
arches, and in stead of battlements, arounded with Latten 
grates, and at every sixe fathoms. Iron workes on pillers 
of Brasse fastened one to another, whereon by chaynes 
hung innumerable bells, making a continuall strange 
noyse, with the motion of the ayre. 

At the great Gate of this second wall, in terrible shapes, 
stood the two Porters of Hell (as they call them) The Porters oj 
Bacharom and Qugifau, with Iron Maces in their hands, ^'^^• 
terrible to looke on. Passing under an Iron chayne, 
fastened to the brests of these Divels, wee came into a 
faire street long and wide, compassed with painted arches, 
on the top whereof were two rankes of Idols all that 
length, in which were above five thousand Images, wee 
knew not of what matter, being all gilded, with Myters 
on their heads of divers inventions. At the end of this 
street, was a great square Hill set with blacke and white 
shining stones, the whole square compassed with foure 
rewes of Giants of mettall, each of fifteene spannes, with 
Halberds in their hands, and gilded beards. At the end 
of all stood Quiay Huiaon, God of the Raine, set up jupiterorGod 
against a bastion or border, seventie spannes long, and ofRayne. 
his head so high, that it reached to the battlements of 
the tower, (which were above twelve fathoms) by his 
mouth, eyes, nostrils, and brests, casting out water, which *£^costado i 
the people below gathered as a great relique. This water ium bwdSo, 
came from the top of the tower by secret pipes. Wee [111. ii. 275.] 



passed under his legges, which stood as a great portall, 
and came to a large house like a Church, with three 
lies on marble pillars, and on the walls on both sides, 
many Idols great and small of divers figures, all gilded, 
set on their bases in good order. At the end of this 
house on a round of fifteene steps, stood an Altar made 
in fashion of a Throne, and thereon the Image of 
Golden statue Nacapirau, like a goodly woman, with her hayre loose 
ofliacaptrau. ^^^ ^^^ j^^^jg ^ihit^ to heaven, all of gold so burnished, 
that it dazeled the eyes. About that tribunall in the 
foure first steps, stood twelve Kings of China crowned 
in silver. And beneath, were three rewes of gilded Idols 
on their knees, with their hands lifted up, many silver 
Candle-sticks hanging about them. Going thence, wee 
came to another street of arches like the former; and 
from thence by two others of rich buildings, to a great 
hill, in which were eightie two Bells of mettall very great, 
hanging by chaynes from Iron beames sustained with Iron 
Columnes. Thence wee went to a strong Gate *twixt 
foure towers, in which stood a Chifu with thirtie Halber- 
diers, and two Notaries, which tooke the names of all 
passengers, to whom wee gave thirtie Reis for entrance. 
The fourth The fourth remarkable and famous building, was in 

glorious the River of Batampina, in an Iland about a league in 

Edtjice. compasse, walled round with stone eight and thirtie 

spannes above water, within filled with earth, round 
encompassed with two rewes of Latten grates; the 
uttermost sixe spannes high for people to leane on, the 
inner of nine, holding silver Lions with balls, the Armes 
of the China Kings. Within these grates in good order, 
113. CAjr/- were placed one hundred and thirteene Chapels, in 
pelsy and their manner of round Bulwarkes ; in each of them, was an 
conunts. alabaster Sepulcher seated on the heads of two silver 

Serpents, with faces of women and three homes on their 
1469- heads. In every of them were thirteen Candlesticks of 

Candlestickes. sjiyer, with seven lights in each burning. In the midst 
of a spacious place compassed with three rewes of grates, 
with two rankes of Idols, stood a high Tower with five 




steeples of divers paintings, and on their tops, Lions of 

silver; in which tower the Chinois sayd, were the bones 

of the one hundred and thirteene Kings, worshipped by 

them for great reliques. These bones say they, every 

New Moone, feast one with another, whereupon the 

vulgar at those times, offer to them infinite store of 

Fowles of all sorts. Rice, Kine, Hogges, Sugar, Honey, 

and other provision; which the Priests receive, and 

deceive them in recompence, with as it were Jubilees, of 

plenarie Indulgences, and remission of sinnes as they Indulgences. 


In this Tower wee saw a rich house all lined with Richsiher 

silver plates, from the top to the bottome, in which stood ^^>w/^- 

those one hundred and thirteene Kings statues, and the 

bones of each King in his owne statue; and they say, 

that by night these Kings communicate and passe the 

time together, which none may see but the Cabizondos, 

(a higher degree of Bonzos, as that of Cardinals with us) 

which fables they beleeve for very certaintie. In this 

great circuit wee told three hundred and fortie Bells of 

mettall and cast Iron, in seventeene places, by twentie 

in a place, which all sound on those New-moone feasts 

abovesayd. Neere to that tower, in a rich Chappell built 

on seven and thirtie columnes of stone, stood the Image Lady Amidas 

of Amida made of silver, with the hayres of gold, on ^^^i^- 

a Throne of fourteene steps, aU wrought with gold, the 

hands elevated to Heaven : beneath her shoulders, hung 

(like lines of beades) many little Idols, as big as the middle 

finger : and the secret parts were covered with two great Amida Cham- 

Oyster-pearles, garnished with gold : They being demanded ^erlaine to 

the meaning of this mysterie, sayd, that after the generall ^^^^^^j^^^J^! 

Floud in which all mankinde was drowned, God sent ^ ^^le perhaps 

Amida from the Heaven of the Moone, (being great devised from 

Chamberlaine to Nacapirau his wife) to restore the thatRaine- 

destroyed world; who setting her feete in Calempluy ^/f^ff'j; 

before mentioned, being lately freed of the waters, shee thatw\ich 

turned it into gold, and there standing on her feet with filkweth frrom 

her face in heaven, a great quantitie of Creatures issued Gen. 3. 16. 





from downe her arme; downe her right hand Males, 
and Females down the left; having no other place in 
her bodie whence to bring them foorth, as other women 
of the world, whom for sinne God hath subjected to 
filthinesse of corruption, to shew how filthy sinne is. 
After shee had finished this travell or child-birth of 33333. 
Creatures, (as they number) one third part Males, and 
two parts Females ; shee remayned so weake, having no 
bodie to provide her any thing, that with dizzincsse shee 
fell to the ground dead without recoverie. Whereat the 
Moone in condoling her death covered her selfc with 
sorrow, which are those shadowes wee see from the earth : 
which say they, shall remaine so many yeers as the 
produced Creatures (33333) & then the Moone shall 
put off her maske of sorrow, and the night shall bee after 
as cleere as the day. Such and other like mad stufFe 
did they tell, which might make one wonder, and more 
to weepe, that the Devill should gull them with such 
manifest lyes, being otherwise so understanding a people. 
From this Hill we went to another Temple of Nuns, 
sumptuous and rich, in which they told us was the Mother 
of this King, Nhay Camisama, but would not let us enter 
being strangers. Thence by a street of Arches, wee went 
to a haven called Hicharioo Topileu, where was store of 
strange shipping of divers Kingdomes, which come con- 
tinually to that Temple for a plenarie Jubilee, which the 
King with many priviledges hath granted them, and dyet 
on free cost. To speake of other Temples and matters 
of China, which wee saw in our two moneths libertie were 
[III. ii. 276.] The King of China most resideth at Pequin, for so he 
sweareth at his Coronation. There are certaine streets 
severed in this Citie by themselves, wherein are houses 
called Laginampur, that is. The Schoole of the poorc, in 
which Orphans which know no father are taught to write 
and reade, and mechanike trades to earne their livings. 
Of these Houses they have about two hundred, and as 
many more of poore Nurses which give sucke to Children, 


A Nunnerie. 




exposed or cast foorth by their Parents (which are punished 
if they bee knowne) and after they are weaned, are com- 
mitted to the former houses. And if any by naturall 
defect are unable to learne a Trade, they apply him to Howthepoore 
that whereto he is able, as those that are blind to Mills, ^^^J^ ^^^ 
two to grind, and one to sift ; and so in other cases, yy.^^^ 
Besides, no Trades-man may keepe shope without licence, 
which is not granted but with imposing on them some 
of these poorer. The Miller is to give meate and drinke 
to each of those blinde persons, and clothes, and fifteene 
siuUings yeerely, which when hee dieth he may give for 
his soule, that no poore should perish, according to the 
fourth precept of *Amida. For Creeples which cannot *Span, 
goc, they place them with makers of Frailes, Baskets, and ^^^^f^- 
other handiworkes: and those which cannot use their ^ii^jlrTof 
hands have great Hampers given them, and Baskets to ^^^. 
serve for Porters to carrie what men buy, from the 
Markets to their houses ; such as have neither hands nor 
feet to use, are placed in great houses like Monasteries, 
where are many mercenary women which pray for the 
dead, halfe of the Offerings remayning to them, the other 
half to the Priests. If they be dumbe, they place them 
in a house like an Hospitall, where they are sustayned 
with the Fines imposed on Regraters and scolding women. 
For common women which are diseased they have other 
houses, where they are cured and provided for, at the 
costs of other common women, each paying a monethly 
fee. The Dowrie or Joynters of convicted Adulteresses 
are bestowed on the Hospitals of female Orphans, that 
honestie may gaine by dishonesties losse. Other honest 
poore men are maintayned in other streets, at the charges 
of Solicitors and Lawyers which maintayne unjust Suits, 
and of partiall bribed Judges. 

For the provision of the poore I have further heard Provision 
read out of their Chronicles that Chansiran Punagor, Great against 
Grandfather of the King new reigning, desiring to doe ^^^^!^^ ^^^ 
Gcxi sendee (being blinde after a sicknesse which he had) 5^^ sup, cap, 
ordayned that in every Citie there should be store-houses 4. §. 6. 




of Wheat and Rice, that if any dearth should happen, 
there might be a yeeres provision, and the poore should 
not perish : and to this purpose he applyed the tenth part 
of the Kings Customes. They say, that God recompenced 
this his charitie with restitution of his sight, which con- 
tinued fourteene yeeres after till his death. This is still 
observed, and the number of those Store-houses is said to 
be fourteene thousand. At Harvest the old is divided to 
the Inhabitants as they have need, which after two moneths 
are to lay in as much new, and sixe in the hundred more, 
that the store be not diminished. But if the yeere prove 
barren, it is divided to them without gaine: and that 
which is given to the poore which have not to satisfie, is 
paid out of the Kings Rents of that place, as the Kings 
RoyaUrevenue Almes. And all the rest of the Royall revenues are 
how disposed, divided into three parts ; one for maintenance of the 
Kings estate, and for the government of the Kingdome ; 
the second for the defence of the Countrey, for Ports, 
Fleets, and the like ; the third is put up in the Treasurie 
The Jesuites at Pequin, with which the King by ordinary power may 
aho sajy the ^^^ meddle, being deputed for defence of the Kingdome 
pUasure^dis' ^^^"st the Tartars, and other warres with confining Kings ; 
pense it. this part of the treasure is called Chidampur, that is, The 

wall of the Kingdome. For they say, that if such occa- 
sions happen, the King shall not lay tribute whiles that 
lasteth, nor shall the people be vexed, as in other 
Countries, where such providence is not used. 
Not to Indeed I feare to particularize all that we saw in this 

compareChina citie, lest the Reader should doubt or mutter at the 
lee here ^^ raritie, measuring things by that little they have seene, 
and judging by their owne curtailed conceits the truth 
of those things which mine eyes have seene. But high 
capacities, haughtie spirits, and large understandings, that 
measure not other states by the miseries and meannesse 
before their eyes, will perhaps be willing to heare things 
so rare ; which I hold the more pardonable in others to 
doubt of, forasmuch as I verily confesse, that I my sclfe 
which beheld them with mine eyes, am often amazed, 



when with my selfe I recount the greatnesses of Pequim, Admiranda 
in the admirable estate of that Gentile King, in the ^^f«^'»^'- 
splendor of the Chaens of Justice, and of the Anchacys 
of government, in the terror and dread caused in all by 
their Officers, in the sumptuousnesse of the Houses and 
Temples of their Idols ; and of all the rest therein. For 
only in the Citie Minapau which stands within the wall 
of the Kings Palace are icxx)oo.* Eunuchs, and 30000. *Minapauthe 
women, 12000. men for his Guard, and 12. Tutans, which Ki^gs Palace: 
is the greatest dignitie, and commonly called the Sun- ^£unu^s^ 
beames, as the King is called, the Sonne of the Sunne, perhaps is 
whose person they represent. Beneath these 1 2. are 40. mistaken by 
Chaens as Vice-royes, besides the inferiour dignities,' as fkePrinur: 
Anchacys, Aytaos, Ponchacys, Lauteaas, and Chumbins, \qq^'JI^ 
all which in the Court are above 500. and none of them cipher Usse. 
have lesse then 200. men depending, the greater part of TetPantoia 
which are Mogores, Persians, Cora^ons, Moens, Calamin- ^^^'^^> ^^^^ 
bans, Tartars, Cauchins, and some Bramaas; the Naturals ^^^^^ 
being little esteemed as effeminate, and wanting valour, ^^^^ jqoo. 
how wittie soever in Arts and husbandrie. The women out of zoooo. 
are white, chaste, more given to labour then the men. ^^ ^» ^^ 

The earth is fertile, which their ingratitude rather f^Q^o"'''^^ 
ascribes to the merit of their King, then the providence Eunuchs. 
of God. Some Priests also barter with them upon Bills 
of exchange to bee repayed an hundred for one in [III. ii. 277.] 
Heaven, which Letters they call Cuchimiocos. Other 
Priests are of another Sect, called Naustolins, which den ye Sectsin China, 
the Soules immortalitie, and therefore teach to take their Cuchimiocos. 
pleasures in this life. Another Sect is called Trimecau, ^^f^^^^^^- 
which holds, that a man shall so long lie in his Grave as ^'"^^ 
hee hath lived above ground ; after which, by the prayers 
of their Priests, the Soule shall returne into another 
creature seven dayes, and then seeke for the old bodie left 
in the Grave, to carrie it to the Heaven of the Moone, 
where it shall sleepe many yeeres, till it be converted into 
a Starre, and there remayne fixed for ever. Another 
beastly Sect, called Gizom, holds that Beasts onely shall cizom, 
enjoy Heaven, in recompence of their penance and travels 




here sustayned, and not Men which follow their lusts, 
except they leave to Priests at their death, to pray for 

§. VI. 

Their remove to Quansy, quarrels, miseries ; Tar- 
tarian huge Armie, and losse at the siege of Pe- 
quim, reported. Quansy taken, and Nixianco: 
Mendez his exploit. Their entertaynment by 
the Tartar King, and going to Cauchinchina 
with his Embassadours, with many Tartarian 

Fter we had two moneths and a halfe gone up and 
downe in the Citie of Pequim, on Saturday the 
thirteenth of January, 1544. they carried us to 
Quansy. Quansy to fulfill our Sentence, where we were brought 

before the Chaem, who made us of his Guard of eightie 
Halbarders allowed him by the King, which made us thank- 
full to God, being a place of litde labour and more mun- 
tenance and liberty. But after a moneth, the Devill sowed 
Portugalls strife betwixt two of our companie, which in reasoning 
quarrelL about the Families of the Madureyras, and the Fonsecas, 
whether were more eminent, grew to heate, thence to 
braving words, and after to blowes and wounds, not ondy 
of those two, but by part takings of five of the rest. The 
Chaem and Anchacys sentenced us to thirtie blowes a man, 
which made us more bloudy then our wounds. Then 
they carried us to a prison, where we lay in Irons sixe 
and forty dayes. After which we were brought to the 
Paritle a Barre, and received other thirty stripes, and removed to 
peace-breaker, another prison, where we stayed two moneths, then 
removed to certaine Iron-works five moneths, much 
pinched in backe and belly, and being diseased with a 
contagious sicknesse, they sent us forth to begge, which 
wee did foure moneths. In this miserie wee sware to each 
other to live Christianly and lovingly, and that each 



moneth one should bee chiefe, whom all the rest should 
obey, whereby wee after lived in peace. 

Christovan Borralho the chiefe for that moneth, dis- 
tributed us by couples to take their turnes weekely to 
begge, two to fetch water, and make ready what we got, 
two to get wood. I and Caspar de Meyrelez went one 
morning to the Wood, and Meyrelez being Musicall 
played on his Viall, and sung ; a thing pleasing to that 
people, which spend much time in pastime and banquets, 
and profitable to us in procuring almes. As wee went, 
wee met with a Funerall pompe with Musicke in the MmUkforthe 
midst: one of which Musicians knowing Meyrelez, prayed comfort of the 
him to play and sing as loud as he could, that this dead 
man wee now carrie to buriall may heare thee, to comfort 
him in leaving his wife and children, whereto he was much 
affected. Hee modestly refusing, the other angerly 
answered, and others intreated, and almost forced him to 
goe with them to the burning Buriall after their custome. 
I thus left alone, went and got my bundle of wood on my 
backe. In the way homeward I met in the way an old 
man, clothed in blacke Damaske furred with white 
Lambe, who having shewed mee a silver Crosse, told me, 
that he was a poore Portugall, Vasco Calvo, which seven Vasco Caivo. 
and twentie yeeres since was captived with Tome Pirez, See t^ firmer 
whom Lope Soarez had sent Embassadour to China, ^^ ^' ^' 
which had a miserable successe by reason of a Portugall 
Captaine. Hee brought me to his house, and told me 
the storie of his and his fellowes adventures, and I ours to 
him : and at his request I fetched the rest of our companie 
to his poore house. Hee brought us to another roome, 
where his wife was, with her two little sonnes, and two 
small daughters. Shee entertayned us lovingly, and 
shewed us her Closet with an Altar, and a Crosse thereon, 
secretly kept ; shee also and her children said a Portugall 
Prayer, with the Pater noster. Creed, and Ave Maria, to ^^/i^^ 
our great joy. AmU^'^d 

'^y Eight moneths being spent in this our miserie and beg- ne^of 
gerie, on Wednesday the thirteenth of July, a great tumult Pequim. 
XII ia9 I 





[III. ii. 278.] 

commeth to 

The CiHe 

Nixtamco a 
China Castle 


and crie arose amongst the people, by reason of newes of 
the Tartarian King his comming to Pequin, with a 
greater power then ever any King had in the World ; 
that there were in his Armie 1800000. men, 600000. of 
which were Horse-men, which had comne by Land from 
Lan^ame, and Fanistir, and Mecuy, with 80000. Badas* 
to Carrie their provision. Twelve hundred thousand 
Foot-men had comne in sixteene thousand Lavlees and 
Jangas downe the Batampina. And because the King of 
China durst not resist so great a power, hee was gone to 
Nanquim. Moreover it was said that in the Pinall of 
Manicataron, a league and halfe off was lodged one 
Nauticor, a Tartarian Captaine with 70000. Horse, who 
within few houres would bee at the Citie. This newes 
much terrified us, and the next morning the Enemie 
appeared with Colours quartered greene and white in 
seven battels, neere to a Pagode called Petilau Namejoo, 
a little from the walls. From that Pagode they came with 
sound of Instruments of warre in one grosse Squadron 
like a halfe Moone, and encircled the Citie : and being 
within Caliver shot, they made a shout as if Heaven and 
Earth would have gone together, and scaling it with 
two thousand Ladders which they brought with them, 
assaulted it in all places they could very resolutely, and at 
last brake into the gates by certaine devices of great Iron 
Presses, and slue the Chaem with many Mandarines, 
putting the Citie to the sword, sacke, and fire ; killing, as 
was thought, 60000. persons, and after stay of seven dayes 
there, went for Pequim, where their King was. 

Two dayes after they were gone, they came to a Castle 
called Nixiamcoo, which he besieged. Nauticor called the 
seventie Captaines to consultation, and agreed to make 
ready five hundred Ladders that night for the next dayes 
assault. The next day their Palinguindoens (so they call 
their Martiall Instruments) sounded, and fourteene 
battalions marched, and gave assault with great cries, 
scaling the walls, and fighting furiously ; the besieged also 
defending themselves couragiously, and in two houres 



killing three thousand Tartars, the rest fleeing ; many The Tartars 
wounded with poisoned Arrowes, whereof they died. A ^"^' 
Counsell of Warre was hereupon called, one of them 
being the man which had us in custodie ; who returning 
with two Captains of his acquaintance to supper, in their 
discourse of that misfortune they cast eyes upon us there 
prisoners, and questioned of what nation we were, and 
whether our Kings used to warre, and whether any of us 
knew any Stratagem to get that Castle, promising our 
freedome if we could effect it. To which we answered 
accordingly, and George Mendez undertooke the designe Mendez his 
against our likings fearing his disabilitie, and our further undertaking. 
danger. One of these Captaines told the Mitaquer 
(Nauticor) hereof, who sent to Tileymay the Captaine 
which had charge of us, to bring us to him. He gave us 
a grave welcome (being now in counsell with the seventy 
Coronels, two houres after midnight,) and first made us to 
eate, having taken off part of our Irons ; and then made 
large promises to George Mendez if he could doe as he 
had said ; to which he answered, that hee could answer 
nothing till he saw it, and then he would tell him the way 
to take it. Wee were removed to a Tent adjoyning, and 
there guarded, full of feare lest this undertaking would 
cost our lives with a People so cruell. The next day 
George Mendez and two others of our companie were 
carried with a band of Horse-men about the Castle to 
view it, and then brought to the Mitaquer, to whom he 
professeth great fecilitie of effecting his purpose : which so 
contented him, that he sware by the Rice he eate to 
present us to the King, and to fulfill his promises, 
presently taking oflF the remainder of our Irons. Hee 
made us to eate neere him, and did us other honour. 
After which, George Mendez as Camp-master appointed 
store of Chists, Boxes, and matterials to fill up the ditch, 
and three hundred large scaling Ladders able to hold each 
three Souldiers, against the next morning to be made 
ready two hours before day. All this was happily eflfected, 
the ditch filled, and Mendez with two others of us first 



scaled the wall, and set up the Tartars Colours ; five 
thousand Tartars gallantly seconding, so that with a hote 

The Castk skirmish the besieged were all slaine, and the Castle taken; 

taken. the gates opened to the Mitaquer, who with great cere- 
monies tooke thereof possession. He caused George 
Mendez and the rest of us to eate neere him, razed the 
Castle, and taking Mendez with him on horse-backe 
returned to his Tent, giving him 1000. Taeis, and each of 
us 100. the cause of much emulation in some of our 
companie, who by his meanes had obtayned libertie. 
Thence the Mitaquer marched by places desolate, to a 

Lautimey, good Towne by the Rivers side, called Lautimey, the 
people whereof were fled ; the Towne these barbarians 
fired, as they did other places where they came. The 
next day they burned Bunxay, a sowne field of above sixe 
leagues circuit, most Wheat; and came to the Hill 
Pommitay, and the next day to the River Palemzitau» 
within two leagues of the Kings Campe. Guijay Paran 
Sonne of the King of Persia, at the Castle of Lautir, by 
the Kings appointment stayed for him ; to whom Mitaquer 
on his knees delivered his Scimitar, having first kissed the 
ground five times. Hee welcomed him with honourable 
termes, and after that, stepping backe two or three paces 
with a new ceremonie, and with a voyce high and severe 
(as he which represented the Kings person) said, He, 
whose rich border of his garment my mouth continually 
kisseth, whose great power ruleth over others by Land, 
and on the lies of the Sea, sends to tell thee by mee his 
Slave, that thy honourable comming is as welcome to his 
presence as the sweet Summer morning, wherein the 
bathing of cold water most delights the flesh : and that 
without delay thou hastenest to heare his voice, mounted 
on this Horse richly furnished out of his Treasurie with 
mee, that thou mayest be equall in honour with the 
principall of his Court, and they which see thee thus 
honoured may know that thou art a strong member, 
whose valour deserves this reward. 

Thus with great state and pompe they went to the 



King : and fifteene dayes after he brought us to the 
Tents of the King well horsed, then in the sumptuous ^^^ ^^ 
House of Nacapirau. When he came to the Trenches, r^^^^j 
hee descended from his Litter (wee from our Horses) TentRwaU, 
and asked leave of Nautaran to enter, which granted, he [III. ii. 279.] 
againe went to his Litter, and we followed on foot : at 
the next passage he descended, and went in leaving us 
to expect him. An houre after he returned with foure 
faire Boyes gallantly arayed in greene and white, with 
their golden Xorcas on their feet, to whom all the people 
rose up, and drawing their Scimitars laid them on the 
ground, saying three times, A hundred thousand yeeres 
live the Lord of our heads. Wee lying prostrate with 
our feces on the ground, one of the Boyes said to us 
with a loude voice, Rejoyce yee men of the Worlds end, 
for the houre of your desire is comne, in which the 
libertie which the Mitaquer promised you in the Castle 
of Nixianco, shall bee granted you. Lift up your heads 
from the ground, and your hands to Heaven, giving 
thankes to the Lord which made the Stars. Wee 
answered as wee were taught. Let it bee our fortune 
that his foot tread on our heads : the Boy answered, 
The Lord grant your request. 

These foure Boyes with Mitaquer guided us on thorow 
a Gallerie standing on sixe and twentie Pillars of Brasse, 
from which wee entred a great Hall of timber, in which 
stood Mogores, Persians, Berdios, Calaminhans, and 
Bramas : thence wee came to another Hall, called Tigi- 
hipau, where were great store of armed men in five files The Guards, 
quite thorow the Hall, their Swords garnished with Gold. 
There Mitaquer performed some ceremonies, swearing on 
the Maces which the foure Boyes carried, kneeling and 
kissing the ground three times. Then we passed another 
gate, and came to a square great Hall like the Cloister 
of a Monasterie, in which stood foure files of brazen 
Images like Savages with Maces and Crownes, seven and 
twentie spannes high, and sixe broad, which the Tartars 
said were the three hundred and sixty Gods which made 




the dayes of the yeere ; which the Tartar King had taken 
Xipatom. out of a Temple, called Angicamoy, in the Citie Xipatom, 
in a Chappell of the Sepulchres of the Kings of China, to 
carrie home in triumph. In this Hill was a Garden of 
strange herbs and flowers, and therein a Tent upon twelve 
Curious turned posts of Camphire wood, in which was a Throne 
Throne. ^il garnished with much curiositie of Gold and Silver 
workes, representing very lively the Sunne, Moone, 
Starres, Cloudes. In the midst of the Throne stood a 
silver great Statue, called Ahicaunilancor, that is, God 
of the health of Kings, (taken also from Angicamoy) 
about which stood foure and thirtie Idols as big as 
children about sixe yeeres old, in two rankes set on 
their knees and hands lifted up as in veneration. At 
the entrie of the Tent were foure Boyes gorgeously 
arayed which went about it with Censers, and at the 
sound of a Bell prostrated themselves on the ground, 
and censing, said. Let our crie come unto thee as a 
sweet savour that thou mayest heare us. That Tent 
was guarded by sixtie Halbarders, standing a pretie 
distance from it round about. Beyond that Hill wee 
entred another place, where were foure rich roomes, in 
which were many great persons. 

Thence we followed Mitaquer and the Boyes unto a 
great Hall like a Church, where stood sixe Porters with 
Maces, which with new ceremonie let us in. Here was 
The Tartar the King of Tartars, accompanied with his Grandes, 
^f''^- among which were the Kings of Pafiia, Mecuy, Capimper, 

Raja Benam, and the Anchesacotay, and other Kings to 
the number of fourteene, all in rich attire, placed at the 
foot of the Throne, two or three paces distant ; and a 
little further oflF stood two and thirtie faire women, 
playing on divers Instruments. The King sate on the 
Throne, encompassed with twelve Boyes on their knees, 
with small Scepters of gold on their shoulders ; amongst 
which was a faire Damsell which ever and anone fanned 
the King. This was the sister of Mitaquer, who by her 
meanes enjoyed that grace and respect in the Armie. 



^, ^544. 

The King was about fortie yeeres old, tall, not fleshy, His person. 
well set ; his beard short with Mostachos like the Turks, 
his eyes somewhat small, his countenance severe ; clothed 
in a shining reddish vesture set with Pearles ; on his feet 
certaine Slippers greene wrought with Gold and Pearles ; 
and on his head a kind of Sallet with a border of 
Diamonds and Rubies. Before we came at him by ten 
or twelve paces, we made our courtesie, three times 
kissing the ground, with other ceremonies which wee 
were taught. The King commanded the Musike to 
cease, and bid Mitaquer aske this Nation of the end of 
the world, if they have a King, and how their Land is 
called, and how ferre it is firom China. One of us 
answered for the rest, that our Land was called Portugall, 
our King was great and mightie, and from thence to 
Pequin was about three yeeres Voyage ; whereat he much 
marvelled, as not thinking the World so great ; and 
striking on his thigh said aloud with eyes to Heaven, 
O Creator of all things, which of us poore Pismires on 
the Earth may be able to comprehend the marvels of 
thy greatnesse .? And signing with his hand he made 
us come neerer to the steps of the Throne where the 
fourteene Kings were placed, and demanded us againe, 
how farre } and when we said, three yeeres ; he asked, 
why we came rather by Sea then by Land ? wee answered, 
that the diversitie of States and Kings in the way hindred. 
He asked. What doe you seeke with so farre travels and 
great troubles ? wee gave as good reason as we could ; 
whereat he shaking his head, said to the King of Benan, 
an old man, that it seemed that our Countrey had much 
Covetousnesse, and little Justice ; so, said the other, it 
appeares ; for those men which flie on the top of all 
waters, by wit and industrie to get that which God hath 
not given them, either poverty forceth to forsake their 
Countrey, or vanitie and blindnesse caused by covetous- 
nesse, makes them forget God and their Fathers. After 
this, the women began againe to play, and the King 
retired himselfe into a house alone with his women which 





Tartars losse. 

Siege of 
breakes up. 

The Kings 
retume into 



played, and the Damsell that fanned. One of the twelve 
Scepter-boyes told Mitaquer from his Sister, that the 
King commanded hee should not goe away, which 
he tooke for a great grace, and wee returned to our 

Fortie and three dayes after we came to the Campe 
Royall (in which space were many fights betwixt the 
besiegers and besieged, two assaults by scaling with 
the Tartars losse) the Tartarian called a Councell, where 
were assembled seven and twentie Kings, and many great 
men and Captaines, which agreed that seeing Winter was 
now comming, and the waters of both Rivers had risen 
and filled the Trenches, and many were sicke (foure or 
five thousand dying daily) that it was best to rayse the 
siege. The King therefore embarked the Foot-men with 
the munitions, fired the Tents, and went away with 
300000. Horse by land, and 20000. Badas, 450000 men 
being found by accounts, to have dyed in this expedition, 
most of sicknesse, 300000. Horses and 60000. Badas for 
want of provisions, the two last moneths and a halfe of 
this Siege (which endured sixe moneths and a halfe.) 
Besides, 300000 had runne to the Chinois, wonne by their 
great pay. Hee lodged the first night of his departure at 
a River called Quaytragum ; the next day he came to 
Guijampee, which hee found wholly forsaken ; thence 
to Liampcw, and after seventeene dayes (eight leagues a 
day) he came to Guauxitim, and forced it, committing 
therein cruell slaughters, to provide his Armie of 
necessaries by the spoyle thereof. The next day hee 
came to Caixilo, which he medled not with being great 
and strong, having therein 50000. men, of which loooo. 
were Mogores, Cauchims, and Champaas, better Souldiers 
then the Chinois. Thence hee passed to the walls of 
Singrachirou, and the next day to Xipator, and then sent 
away most of his Souldiers, spending seven dayes in the 
pay, and execution of Justice on Prisoners. Thence 
discontent, hee went to Lan^ame by water, (with onely 
one hundred and twentie Laulees, in which were some 



ten or twelve thousand men) where sixe dayes after hee 
arrived in the night without any pompe. 

There he stayed sixe and twentie dayes, till all his 
companie were come both of horse and foot, after which 
hee went to a greater city called Tuymican, where he was Tuymican. 
personally visited by confining Princes and Ambassadours 
from remoter Kings, Xatamas of Persia, Siammom 
Emperour of the Gueos, which within the Countrey 
confine with Brama of Tangu, the Calaminhan Lord of 
the brute force of Elephants, the Sornau of Odiaa, 
(intituled King of Siam) whose Segniorie comprehendeth 
seven hundred leagues of coast, from Tanau9arim to 
Champaa, containing seventeen Kingdomes ; the King of 
the Mogores whose Kingdome lyes within land, betwixt TAe Mogpr is 
Corazan neere Persia, and the Kingdome of Dely and »^ f"*^^ 
Chitor, and an Emperour called Caran, whose Segniorie ^^''^'^^. 
confineth within the Mountaines of Goncalidan, with a lordoflndta, 
Nadon which the Naturals call Moscoby, of whom wee 
saw some in this Citie, ruddie, of bigge stature, with 
shooes, and furred cloathes, having some latine words, 
but seeming rather for ought wee observed Idolaters then 
Christians, and much given to unnaturall lust. To the 
Ambassadour of that Prince Caran, better entertainment Caran. 
was given then to all the rest. Hee brought with him 
one hundred and twentie men of his guard, with Arrowes 
and gilded quivers, all cloathed in Shamois skinnes murrie 
and greene ; and twelve Porters on horsebacke with 
Maces of Silver, leading twelve Horses in their right 
hands with rich embroidered Furnitures. After whom 
followed twelve men of high and Giant-like stature, 
cloathed Savage-like in Tygers skinnes, leading great 
Grey-hounds in chaynes and coUers of Silver, muzled. 
Then came twelve Boyes, feire and well proportioned of 
equal] stature in gallant array, & next them Leixigau the 
Ambassador himselfe, in a Chariot (they call it a 
Pirange) with three wheeles on a side, garnished with 
Silver and a Chayre of the same, attended with fortie 
Foot-men in murrie and greene, yeelding a goodly sight, 




A Marriage 
treated on 
betwixt the 
Caran and 

They depart 


An Univer- 

Guns of wood. 

[III. ii. 281.] 

Temple and 


all things manifesting the greatnesse of his Lord. Wee 
were one day in his lodging with Mitaquer, who was sent 
to visit him, where amongst other strange things, we saw 
five roomes hanged with Tapestrie of Frogges very rich, 
like that used amongst us, as if they had come from one 
place ; the Canopies, Silver-tables, Furniture and State, 
all rich. This Ambassadour came not only to welcome 
home the Tartar, but to treate also of a Marriage for his 
Lord, with one of the Tartars Sisters, named Meica Vidau, 
a woman of thirtie yeeres, very charitable to the poore, 
whom wee have often seene in their Festivall dayes. 

Mitaquer at our request mentioned us to the King, 
who sayd, he would send us with his Ambassador 
shortly to Cauchenchina ; and caused us to be brought 
againe to his presence with great ceremonie of State and 
Majestie as before at Pequim, where hee questioned us, 
if we would serve him, which we excused saying, we 
had Wives and Children in our owne Countrey ; and 
asking George Mendez, hee accepted. Eight of us were 
commended to the Ambassadour which was to goe to 
Uzanguee in Cauchenchina & we went in the same Barke. 
We set forth from Tuymican the ninth of May, and 
came to a Schoole or Universitie called Guatipamor, 
where wee lodged in a Temple (or Monasterie) called 
Naypatim. Next morning wee followed our voyage 
downe the River, and two houres within night came to 
Puxanguim, a small Citie, well fortified with Towers 
and Bulwarks after our fashion, with store of Artillerie 
of wood, like the Pumps of ships, the stocks where the 
Barrels were fastned being plated with Iron, and carrying 
a bullet as bigge as a Falcon : which invention they say, 
they received of a people called Alimanis, of a land named 
Muscoo, which by a great and deepe lake of salt water, 
came thither with nine Barkes of oares, in companie of 
a Lady, which was sayd to bee exiled out of her Countrey 
by a King of Denmarke. The next day wee came to 
Linxau, and five dayes after we continuing our course 
downe the River, came to Singuafatur, a huge Temple, 




more then a league in compasse ; in which space were 

built one hundred and sixtie foure large and long houses 

full of Skuls, the other bones lying without in great piles. 

On a Hill compassed with nine grates of Iron, was 

standing against a strong stone wall, a monstrous statue 

of Iron thirtie braces high, and six broad, in both his 

hands holding a bullet sixe and thirtie spannes about, of 

cast Iron also. (This to wound the Serpent which came 

to robbe them) himselfe beeing hee which should one 

day restore the flesh to their owne bones, if they gave 

Almes, otherwise to the most unable and putrid: his 

name Pachinarau Dubeculem Pinanfaque, who 74000. 

yeeres agoe, was borne of a Tortoyse named Migania, 

and of a Sea-horse one hundred and thirtie braces long, 

named Tibremoucan. The Ambassadours told us, that 

of his Confraternities, there arose to him of annuall rents 

above 200000. Taeis, and as much more of the Sepulchers 

of the Nobles, which were by themselves ; that there 

belonged to him twelve thousand Priests preying on him, 

and praying for the dead, who might not without their 

Superiours licence depart out of that Circuit. These 

Priests once a yeare may defile themselves in fornication Menkes and 

within that Circuit ; without, as oft as they will, without Nunsy chaste 

sinne, the Chisangues permitting egresse. There are ^^ ^^ ^^^^^ 

many women also enclosed, who by their Libangus or 

Prioresses leave, permit themselves to those Priests. 

The second day after, wee came to a great Citie on 

the River side called Quanginau, where the Ambassadours Quanpnau. 

stayed three dayes for provision, and by reason of a Feast 

at the entrance of Talapicor of Lechune, who is there 

as a Pope : who had priviledged these inhabitants to be jf Gentile 

all Priests, authorised to Sacrifice and give Bills of P^ff- 

exchange for money to bee repayed in Heaven. He 

gave the Ambassadour grace to legitimate in his Countrey 

tor money, and to give tytles of Honour ; which hee 

recompenced, giving to the Priests all that he could 

make, and two thousand Taeis the King had given us, 

for which he gave us fifteene in the hundred. Foure 






Lake^ or 





dayes wee passed downe the River to Lechune, the 
mother Citie of that false Religion of Gentilitie, as Rome 
is with us, wherein is a sumptuous Temple, in which are 
seven and twentie Tartar Emperours buried in rich 
Chappels lyned with Silver, having abundance of silver 
Idols. On the North-side a little from the Temple, 
was a notable strong great wall, within which were built 
two hundred and eightie Monasteries, of men and 
women ; in which were sayd to bee two and fortie 
thousand religious professed, besides servitours. In those 
Houses are many Brazen pillars with Idols of their Saints 
thereon, so much more gilded as esteemed. In one of 
them was the Kings Sister a widow, which had beene 
wife of Raja Benan, Prince of Pafua, after whose death 
shee entred Religion with sixe thousand women. The 
Ambassadour visited her, and kissed her foot as a Saint. 
Departing thence downe the River five dayes, wee 
came to a great Citie called Rendacaiem, in the confines 
of Tartaria. And thence forwards began the Segniorie 
of Xinaleygrau, thorow which wee travelled foure dayes, 
and then came to a Towne called Voulem, where the 
Ambassadours were well received, and provided of Pvlots 
for those Rivers ; which wee descended seven dayes 
without seeing anything of note, and then came to a 
straight called Quatanqur, into which the Pylots entred 
to escape a Pyrat, which had spoyled the most part of 
the Countrey. Thus wee came to the Lake Singapamor, 
called by the Naturals Cunebetee, and sayd to contayne 
sixe and thirtie leagues in Circuit. Foure Rivers runne 
thence, Ventraw Eastward thorow Siam, entring the Sea 
by the barre of Chiatabu, in twentie sixe degrees ; Jan- 
gumaa Southwards by the Laos and Gueos, and part of 
Dabambu enter the Sea at Martavan, in the Kingdome 
of Pegu ; Pumfileu runnes thorow all Capimper and 
Sacotay, and all the Empire of Monginoco, with part 
of Meleytay and Souady, and so to the barre of Cosmim, 
neere Arracan. Of the fourth River the Ambassadours 
could give us no instructions, but some thought it to 



bee Ganges. In seven dayes more, wee came to a place 
called Caleypute, where they threw stones at us, and Cakypute. 
would not suffer us to land. Thence we sayled by 
another larger River nine dayes, and came to Tarem Tarem. 
a good Towne, subject to the Cauchim, where we were 
well received : and in seven dayes more came to a good 
Citie called Xolor. There were Silver mines, in which Xolor. 
one thousand men were at worke, whence they sayd was 
yeerely taken sixe thousand Pikes, which makes eight 
thousand Quintals of ours. Thence wee went other five 
dayes by that great River, the Countrey being well 
peopled, and came to the Citie Manaquileu at the foot 
of the Hills Comhay in the borders of China, and Comh<^. 
Cauchim ; thence to Tinamquaxy. Thence they sent 
their foure Barkes to Huzamguee, the chiefe Citie of Huzamguee. 
Cauchim, and went by Land to Fanaugrem, where the 
King was. 

Their entertainment there and journey thence to Japan, 
I omit, with their following long Pilgrimage in that 
Easterne world ; wherein I am afraid to wander in places 
and afiaires so uncouth. Wearie alreadie of things so 
strange, and therefore uncertaine, I will passe to other 
Authors ; and first to the Philippina's and Spanish Com- 
merce of China. The Voyage of Legaspi, is taken out 
of a Latine Manuscript, the rest out of Mendoza, his 
Spanish discourse of China, and certayne Friars which 
went thither ; the two Letters except, borrowed of an 
Italian author. 

[Chap. in. 



The second 

ViUa Lobos. 

[III. ii. 282.] Chap. III. 

Spanish plantation of the Philippinas, and wh^r 
entercourse hath thence hapned betwixt thena 
and the Chinois. 

§. I. 

First discoverie of the Philippinas: written by 
Frier Ivan Gonzales de Mendosa. 

Agalianes, was the first that discovered 

these Hands, having passed the str^ght 

(which unto this day beareth the tyde of 

his name) and came unto the Hand of 

Zubu, whereas they did Baptise certaine 

of the Inhabitants, and afterwards in a 

banquet, the same Ilanders did kill him, 

and other fortie of his companions, which was the occasion 

that Sebastian de Guetaria, a naturall Biskin borne, for 

to escape with his life, did put himselfe in a ship that 

remayned of the voyage (which afterwards was named 

the Victorie) and in her, and with a few people that 

helped him, with the favour of God hee came unto 

Sivill, having compassed the whole world, from the 

Orient unto the Ponent ; a thing which caused unto all 

men great admiration, but in particular unto the Em- 

perour Charles the fift of famous memorie, who after 

he had given many gifts and favours unto the sayd 

Sebastian de Guetaria, he gave order that a new Armie 

should bee made readie, and to returne againe in demand 

of the sayd Hands, and to discover that new world. 

So when all things were in a readinesse, for to depart 
on their Voyage (the which was done with great brevitie) 
they ordayned for Generall of all that fleete, one Villa 
Lobos, commanding him to goe by the Nuova Espania, 
The Villa Lobos, arrived at the Hands of Malucas, and 
at those of Terrenate, and at other Hands joyning unto 



them, the which Hands were layd to gage by the aforesayd 
Emperour unto the Crowne of PortugaU. In these Hands 
they had great warres by meanes of the Portugals, and 
seeing themselves with little helpe and small resistance, 
for to goe forwards with their conquest, they left it off, 
and went to the most part of them with the aforesayd 
Portugals, unto the India of Portugall, from whence after- 
wards, they sent them as prisoners unto the sayd King 
of Portugall, as offenders, that had entred his Hands 
without his licence : who did not onely leave to doe them 
any harme, but did intreate them very well, and sent 
them unto their owne Countrey of Spaine, and gave 
them all things necessarie for their journey, and that in 

Then certaine yeeres after, Don Philip King of Spaine, 
being very willing that the discovering should goe 
forwards, which the Emperour his father had so earnestly 
procured, sent and commanded Don Luys de Velasco, 
who was his Vice-roy of the Nuova Espania, that hee 
would ordayne an armie, and people for to returne and 
discover the sayd Hands, and to send in the sayd fleete 
for Governour, of all that should bee discovered. Miguel 
Lopez de Legaspi, who did accomplish all that his 
Majestie had commanded, and made the discoverie 
thereof as foUoweth, to bee declared. 

When the Spaniards came unto them, they were 
without Lord or head, or any other to whom they should 
shew dutie, but hee which had most power and people, 
did most command : so that this (and that there were 
so many of equall power) was the occasion that civill 
warres continued, without any respect of nature, kindred, 
or any other dutie, but like unto bruite Beasts, killing, 
spoyling, and captiving one another, the which was a 
great helpe unto the Spaniards, for to subject that Country 
with so great ease unto the King, and called them the 
Hands Philippinas, in respect of his name. They did 
use amongst them, to make Captives and Slaves, such as 
they did take in unlawfuU warres, and for trifling matters, 



the which God did remedie, by the going thither of the 
Spaniards : for you should have a man with fortie or fiftie 
friends in his companie, or servants, that upon a sodaine, 
would goe and set upon a small Village of poore people 
and unprovided, and take and binde them all, and carrie 
them away for Slaves, without any occasion or reason, 
and make them to serve them all the dayes of their life, 
or else sell them to other Hands. And if it so chanced, 
that one did lend unto another, a basket or two of Rice 
(the which might bee worth a Ryall of plate) with con- 
dition, to returne it againe within ten dayes : if the 
debtor did not pay it the same day, the next day following 
hee should pay it double, and afterward to double it every 
day, so long as he did keepe it, which in conclusion, 
would grow to bee so great, that to pay the same, hee 
is forced to yeeld himselfe for Captive and Slave. 

But unto all such as were captived in this order, or 
in such like, the King of Spaine hath commanded to give 
liber tie, yet this just commandement is not in every point 
fulfilled and accomplished, because such as should execute 
the same, have interest therein. All these Hands were 
Gentiles and Idolators, but now there is amongst them 
[III. ii. 283.] many thousands Baptised, unto whom the King hath 
shewed great mercie, in sending unto them the remedie 
for their soules in so good time : for if the Spaniards had 
stayed any more yeares, they had beene all Moores at 
this day, for that there were come unto the Hand of 
Burneo, some of that Sect that did teach them, and lacked 
little, for to worship that false Prophet Mahomet, whose 
false, perverse and corrupt memory, was with the Gospel 
of Christ easily rooted out. 

In all these Hands they did worship the Sunne and 
Moone, and other second causes, figures of men and 
women, which are called in their Language Maganitos, 
at whose Feasts (which they doe make very sumptuous, 
with great Ceremonies and Superstition) they doe call 
Magaduras. But amongst them all, they have in most 
veneration an IdoU, whom they called Batala, the which 



reverence they had for a Tradition, yet can they not 
say what should be the occasion that he should deserve 
more then any of the rest, to be had in so great estimation. 
In certayne Hands not farre off, called the Illocos, they 
did worship the Devill, and made unto him many Sacrifices, TheDevilwas 
in recompence of a great quantitie of Gold he had given worshipped. 
unto them, but now by the goodnesse of God, and the 
great diligence put and done by the Fathers of the Order 
of Saint Austin (who were the first that passed into those 
parts, and lived worthily) and also by the Friers of Saint 
Francis, which went thither ten yeares after, all these 
Hands or the most part of them are baptized, and under 
the Ensigne of Jesus Christ: and the rest which doe 
remayne and are not, is more for lacke of Ministers and 
Preachers, then for any obstinacie of their parts. There 
is now gone thither certayne Fathers of the Order called 
Jesuits, who will be a helpe unto them with their accus- 
tomed zeale and labour. And now goeth thither many 
other Religious men, very well learned and Apostolike, 
of the Order of Saint Dominicke, who will doe their 
endevour to convert them unto Christ, as it behooveth 
Christians to doe. 

They of these Hands were accustomed to celebrate their 
Feasts aforesaid, and to make Sacrifices unto their Idols, 
by the order of certayne women which were Witches, Witches. 
whom they doe cal in their Language Holgoi, that were 
had in as great estimation amongst them, as be the Priests 
amongst Christians. These did talke ordinarily with the 
Devill, and many times in pub] ike, and doe Devillish 
Witch-crafts both in wordes and deedes : into whom it 
is to bee beleeved that the Devill did enter, for that 
straight-wayes they did answere unto all things that were 
demanded of them, although for the most part they would 
tell a Lye, or else such words that might be given divers 
interpretations of, and of divers understandings. They 
did also use to cast Lots, they were great Agorismers, 
or observers of times : in so much that if they beginne 
any Journey, and at the beginning they meete with a 
XII 145 K 


Cayman or Lizard, or any other savage Worme, they 
know it to be a signe of evill fortune, whereupon they 
would strdght-wayes leave off their Journey, although it 
did import them very much, and returne unto their 
Houses, saying, that the Heaven will not that they should 
goe forwarde on that Journey: but all these lyes and 
ralsenesse have beene taught them, and they perswaded 
to by the Devill, or overthrowne and taken away by the 
Law of the Gospel (as aforesaid) and have now amongst 
them many Monasteries foil of Religious men, of the 
Order of Saint Austine, Saint Francis, and of Jesuits. 
According unto the common opinion, at this day there 
is converted and baptized more then foure hundred 
thousand soules, which is a great number: yet in respect 
of the quantitie that are not as yet converted, there are 
but a few. It is left undone (as aforesaid) for want of 
Ministers, for that, although his Ma^estie doth ordinarily 
send thither, without any respect of the great charge in 
doing the same, yet by reason that there are so many 
Hands, and every day they doe discover more and more, 
and being so farre off, they cannot come unto them all, 
as necessitie requireth. Such as are baptized doe receive 
the faith with great firmenesse, and are good Christians, 
and would be better, if that they were holpen with good 
ensamples : as those which have beene there so long time 
are bound to doe : that the lacke thereof doth cause some 
Spaniards of the Inhabitants so much to abhorre them, that they 
hated in the would not see them once painted upon a walL For 
/ tfptnes. proofe whereof (and for to moove such as have power and 
authoritie to put remedie in the same,) I will declare 
unto you here a strange case, the which royally did passe 
of a truth in one of these Hands, and is very well knowne 
amongst them : that is, there chanced to dye an Ilander, 
a principall man amongst them : a few dayes after that 
he was baptized, beeing very contrite for his sinnes, the 
which he had done against God before he was baptized, 
and after hee dyed. So after by the Divine permission 
of God he appeared unto many of that Hand whom hee 



did perswade forthwith to receive the Baptisme, with 
reasons of great efficacie, and declared unto them (as S/umisA report 
one that had experienced the same) the reward of that ^^ ytsm. 
good deed which without all doubt should be given unto 
them, if they would receive the same, and live after con- 
formable, and according unto the Commandements of 
Christ, for the which he told them, and said, that forth- 
with so soone as he was dead, he was carried by the 
Angels into glory, there whereas all things were of 
delight, pleasure, and content, and did communicate onely 
in the sight of God, and that there was none that entred 
therein, neither could enter, except he were baptized, 
according unto the preaching of the Spaniards, of whom 
and of others that were like unto them, there was an 
infinite number. Therefore, if so be that they would goe 
and enjoy of those benefits and delights, it is necessary 
that first they should be baptized, and afterwards to 
observe and keepe the Commandements that be preached [HI. ii. 284.] 
unto them by the Fathers, that are amongst the Castillas, 
and therewith he vanished away, and they remayned 
treating amongst themselves, concerning that which they 
had heard, and was the occasion that some of them forth- 
with received the Baptisme, and that others did delay 
it, saying, that because there were Spaniard Souldiers in The Indians 
glorie, they would not goe thither, because they would ^^^ Ueavm^ 
not be in their company. All this hurt is done by one became there 
perverse or impious man, and with one evill ensample, the toere Spanish 
which amongst many good, as you have in those parts : Souldiers. 
but especiall amongst them in particular, it ought to bee 
reprehended and punished severely with rigour. 

These Hands at the first discovery of them, had the 
fame to be Mai Sanos, or unwholesome, but since experi- 
ence hath shewed and proved it to the contrary : It is a 
Countrey marvellous fertill, and yeeldeth very much Rice, 
Wheate, Goates, Hennes, Deere, BuflFes, Kine, and great 
store of Hogges, whose flesh is so savourie as the Mutton 
they have in Spaine : there be also many Cats that yeeld 
Civet, great store of fruits which be very good and savourie : Civit, 



Honey. great abundance of Honey, and Fish, and all sold at so 

small a price, that almost it is sold for nothing. Also 

Cinamon. there is great store of Cinamom, but no Oyle or Olives, 
but that which is carried thither out of the Nuova Espania : 

Linseed Oyle. they have much Oyle of Algongoli, and of Flaxe-seed, the 
which they doe spend ordinarily in that Countrey, so that 
the Oyle of Olives is not missed with them. 

There is great store of Cloves, Saffron, Pepper, Nut- 
megs, and many other Drugges: great store of Cotton 
and Silke of all colours, the which is brought unto them 
by Merchants of China, every yeare a great quantitie, 
from whence commeth more then twentie ships laden with 
pieces of Silkes of all colours, and with Earthen Vessell, 
Powder, Salt-peter, Iron, Steele, and much Quick-silver, 
Brasse, Copper, Wheate, Flowre, Walnuts, Bisket, Dates, 
Linnen Cloth, Counting Chests very gallantly wrought. 
Calls of Net-worke, Buratos, Espumillas, Basons and 
Ewres, made of Tinne, Parchment Lace, Silke Fringe, 
and also of Gold, the which is spunne and twisted after 
a fashion never seene in all Christendome, and many 
other things of great curiositie, and all this aforesaid is 
sold very good cheape. Likewise such things as the Hands 
doe yeeld, are sold very good cheape, for you shall have 
foure Roves of Wine, which commeth of the Palme-tree 
for foure Rials of Plate (the which for lacke of that 
made of Grapes is very good) twelve Haneges of Rice 
for eight Rials of Plate, three Hens for one Riall, a whole 
Hogge for eighteene Rials, a whole BufFe for foure Rials, 
a Deere for two Rials, and yet it must bee both great and 
good, foure Roves of Sugar for sixe Rials, and the like. 




§. II. 

First Plantation of the Philippinas, by Michael 
Lopez De Legaspi. 

|Ichael* Lopez de I-egaspe, Generall of the Spanish *ThisItranS' 
Armada, on Tuesday the one and twentieth Qf^^^^^^f^ 
November, Anno Dom. 1565. set forth of the Latine which 
Haven of Nativitie in New Spaine, and sayled betwixt I found with 
the South and the West, and after West-ward, till he ^- ^f^- 
came in nine degrees : in that height seeking the Hands ^^^^^?f^^^' 
de los Reyes, thence to make for the Philippinas. After j^^„^^^ 
eight dayes, the ship called Saint Luke was missing, the 
Captayne whereof was Alfonsus de Arellano, suspected 
to have maliciously with-drawne himselfe. The Fleet 
continuing their course in nine and ten degrees, after fiftie 
dayes had sight of an Hand of Fishermen and many other 
small Islands not inhabited, which they passed by. It was 
agreed that they should heighthen their course to thirteene 
degrees, in which way they came on Monday the seven- 
teenth of January, 1566. to one of the Hands of Theeves, IslasLadrones. 
called Goean, and sayling toward it, sixe miles off, fiftie 
or sixtie Paraos swift sayling Barkes with eight or ten men 
quite naked met them and invited them to their Habi- 
tations, where at night they anchored. The next morning, 
sixe hundred of their Paraos came about them with 
victuals to sell. Rice, Honey, Sugar-canes, Plantans, Fruits 
of divers kinds, and Ginger whereof there groweth great 
store naturally. Their principall desire in barter was 
Iron Nailes, giving a large sacke of Rice for a Naile; 
their sackes deceitfiiUy filled with gravell and chaflfe, 
with Rice in the top. These people are well pro- 
portioned and strong. They fought with the Spaniards 
which were watering, and in the time of fight would be 
trucking with the ships, as senslesse of their danger. A 
Mariner which stayd behind was slaine, whose death they 
revenged with many of the Savages slaine in the night, 




one of them being taken and sent into New Spaine. 
Their name fits their Theevish disposition. 
The Philip- Eleven dayes after the fleet renewed their Voyage, and 
^^J'^^f^f/j, course in thirteene degrees eleven dayes longer, and then 
t/JeP(m^ had sight of the Philippinas, having sailed from the Port 
or West. of Nativitie, eight thousand miles. They anchored in 
Baia de a faire Bay called Baia de Sibabas, and there rode seven 
^ibabas, dayes; whiles two Boats went to discover, one to the 

North, the other Southward. 
[III. ii. 285.] A Gentleman of one of them was slaine by an Indian, 
rashly leaping on shoare. These Indians have Iron 
Launces, with a head or tongue a handfull and halfe long. 
They have also shields, Bowes and Arrowes. In making 
peace each man takes two or three drops of bloud of his 
arme or brest and mixe both in some Vessell together, 
which is drunke with Wine and Water. Many Paraos 
came to the Spaniards with a white flag in the Prow, in 
token of peace, and the Admiral erected the like in her 
Poope to signifie their leave to enter These Indians are 
clothed, but barefoot. The Spaniards demanded pro- 
vision, which the other promised, but gave only to the 
Captayne a sucking Pigge and an Egge. These people 
are very timorous, perfidious, and therefore suspicious. 
The Hands beare Hogges, Goats, Hennes, Rice, Millet, 
Potatoes, Pome-citrons, Frisoles, Cocos, Plantans, and 
many sorts of fruits. They weare Bracelets, and Earings, 
and Gold Chaines, and whithersoever the Fleet went, was 
Gold. shew of Gold in the Land, whereof they digge but for 

necessary uses : the Land is their Money bagge. 

The Fleet departed hence, and two dayes aner came to 
Tandoia. the Port of the He Tandoia, where a small River enters ; 
up which they went in Boats, and came to a Towne called 
Camungo. Camungo. There they were well entertayned, and had 
victualls set them : which whiles they were eating, an 
Indian spake some Spanish words, and asked for Antonie 
Baptista Villalobos, and Captaine Cabeja de Vaca : for 
which the Lord of the place was angrie with him, and hec 
appeared no more. The next day the Spaniards returning 



found them armed, threatning them if they came on 
shoare. They minding not to deale cruelly, Martin de 
Goyte was sent to discover some convenient harbour, who 
saw the City Tandaya, and other Townes of other neere TanJaya. 
Ilands, and having gone sixtie miles found the great Bay 
where was Cabalia a Towne well inhabited. Thither went 
the Fleet, and the Inhabitants fled. Onely Camatuan the 
Sonne of Malataque a blind man, chiefe of that place, came 
to them, whom they detayned thinking thereby to get 
some provision ; but in vaine. He sent forth Souldiers 
which brought him five and fortie Hogs, leaving in lieu 
somwhat for exchange, and dismissing Camatuan, who had 
taught the Captaine the names of the neighbouring lies 
and of their Governours. Hee brought them to Mesagua Masagua. 
two and thirtie miles ofl^, and then was sent away apparelled 
and joyfuU. The Hand Masagua hath beene frequent, but 
then had but twentie Inhabitants, which would not see the 
Spaniards. They went to another Hand where the people 
were fled with their goods. Then went they to Butuan 
which is subject to the He Vindena or the Hands Corrientes. 
The winde drave them to Bohol, where they anchored. BohoL 
The next day they saw a Junke and sent a Boat to it, 
which wounded some of their men. They had Arrowes 
and Lances and a Base, and two brasse Peeces. They 
oyed to the Spaniards abordo, abordo. The Spaniards 
sent out another Boat better fitted, which tooke eight, the 
rest were slaine or fled, having fought valiandy. In the 
Junke they found white sheets painted, Silke, Almayzarez, 
Callicos, Iron, Tin, Brasse, and some Gold. The Junke 
was of Borneo, and so were these Moores. All was 
restored (their intent being to get fi-iends, and the 
Bumeois satisfied. 

The Captaine sent the Saint John to discover the Coast 
of Butuan, and learne where the Cinamon was gathered, ^ickedpoRcyy 
and to find some good Port in fit place to build. The "^J^^ 
Bumeois told the Captaine the cause of the Indians flight, \o\ic^ jf^^^ 
that about two yeeres before some Portugals bearing AatA infected 
themselves for Spaniards, had comne thither from the ^^^rs, 




Molucas, and having made peace with them, set on them 
and slue above a thousand Indians, the cause of that 
depopulation. This the Portugals did to make the 
Spaniards odious, that if they came thither, they might 
not be admitted. The Captaine sent a well furnished ship 
to search the Coast, which came to a place where the 
Borneo Governour said he had friends, and leaping on 
shoare nee was slaine of the Indians. The Saint John 
returned from Buthuan, which said, they had seene the 
King, and two Junkes of Moores in the River at anker, 
and that the Hand was great and rich, and exchanged with 
them fine Gold for Testons, one for six in equall weight. 
Moons They bought Wax of the Moores but had Earth inclosed 
menage, jj^ ^[^^ Cakes ; they also incensed the Indians against the 
Castilians, which would have made purchase of them, but 
were forbidden by the King. They said, they had there 
seene Wax, Cinamon, Gold, and other precious things. 

On Easter Even the other ship returned to their great 
joy, which had thought her lost, having staid twentie dayes 
longer then her limited time. They had sailed about the 
H^* Hand Igla the space of six hundred miles : and in their 

Subo, returne came to Subo a well peopled Hand, and plentiful! 

of all things. The Captaine determined to goe thither to 
buy provision, or else to force them. For Magelane had 
beene there ; and the King, and most of the Inhabitants 
were baptised, and acknowledged the Catholike King; 
See torn. i. Magelane also dying in their defence, and thirtie other 
/. 2. c. 2. Souldiers in Matan. They also had broken league and 
slaine some of Magelane Souldiers. On Friday April 
twentie seven, the Fleet arrived at the Port of Subo, and 
one came from King Tupas to them, saying, that Hec 
with ten chiefe men would come to them. The Captaine 
expected them a whole day and the next, in which space 
the Ilanders hid their goods in the Woods. The third 
day the Captaine sent his brother Andrew and the Camp- 
master, to admonish the King in the Malayan tongue, to 
receive them, as Vassals of the Spanish King. Which not 
succeeding, hee resolved to use force. The Indians out 




of other Hands had assembled together to the number of 

two thousand, which provoked our men, but at the report [III. ii. 286.] 

of the Ordnance ran away, and the Spaniards wan the 

Towne. Many signes of Gold and Gemmes appeared in 

the Hand. And being situate so neere to the richest 

Regions, the Governour hopeth accesse thereby to the 

increase and glorie of the Spanish Crowne, if Spanish 

Colonies be there planted. The Captaine from the Citie 

of Subo sent the Admirall ship with his brother Andrew 

de Urdanera, to certifie the L. Lewys de Velasco, the 

Sonne of the Vice-roy, what had beene done. 

Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, Generall of the Fleet, and Tkis which 

Governour of the Countrey which they should discover, fi^^^^ " 

dyed in the said Hands with the Title of Adelantado, %^jfj„ 

having first peopled some of them to the use of His Gonzales de 

Majestie, especially that of Manilla, which is five hundred Mendosa his 

leagues in circuit ; in which is seated the Citie of Luson ^/^^^^ 

(caUcd also Manilla) as the Metropolitan of all the Hand, S^g ,, 

where the Gouvernours have settled their residence ever j^^re much 

since the first discoverie. They have there founded a abbreviated, 

Cathedrall Church, and Friar Dom. Domingo de Salachar Manilla. 

was consecrated the first Bishop thereof in Madrid, 1579. 

At this present there be three Monasteries of Religious 

men in that Hand, the one of the Order of Saint Austine, 

and were the first that by the Commandement of his 

Majestie did enter into this Hands, preaching the Law of 

the Gospell, which was great profit unto their soules, yet 

great travel! unto them, & cost many of them their lives 

in doing it : the other Monasterie is of barefoot Friers of 

the Order of S. Francis of the Province of S. Joseph, who 

have bin great Examples, with great profit unto them of 

those Parts. The third are of the Order of S. Dominicke, 

or Preachers, who have done their dutie in all things so 

well as the other. These three Orders were alone in 

those Hands for certayne yeares, till now of late time have 

gone thither Jesuits, which have bin a great ayde and 

helpe unto their Religion. 

When these Spaniards were come unto these Hands, 




they had straight-wayes notice of the mightie Kingdome 

of China, as well by the relation of them of the Hands 

(who told unto them the marvels thereof) as also within 

a few dayes after, they did see and understand, by ships 

that came into those Ports with Merchants, that brought 

Merchandize and other things of great curiositie from 

that Kingdome, and did particularly declare the mighti- 

nesse and riches thereof. This being knowne unto the 

Religious people of Saint Austin, who at that time were 

alone in those Hands : but in especiall unto the Provinciall, 

Frier Martin de Herrada, seeing the great capacitie or 

towardnesse which the Chinois had more then those of 

the Hands in all things, but in especiall in their gallantnesse, 

discretion and wit : hee straight-wayes had a great desire 

to goe thither with his fellow to preach the Gospell unto 

those people, of so good a capacitie to receive the same : 

who with a pretended purpose to put it in ure and effect, 

he began with great care and studie to learne that 

Language, the which he learned in few dayes: and did 

make thereof a Dictionarie. Then afterwards they did 

give great entertaynment and Presents unto the Merchants 

that came from China for to procure them to carrie them 

thither, and many other things, the which did shew their 

holy zeale : yea, they did offer themselves to bee slaves 

unto the Merchants, thinking by that meanes to enter in 

to preach-: but yet none of these diligences did take 

effect, till such time as the Divine Majestie did discover a 

better way, as shall bee declared unto you in this Chapter 


§. III. 

Of Limahon a China Robber and Rover, by whose 
occasion the Spaniards sent into China. 

jlHe Spaniards did enjoy their neere habitation of 

Manilla in great quietnesse & in obedience unto 

the Christian King Don Philip, and in continual! 

Trafiick with the Chinois. But being in this securitie and 




quietnesse, unlocked for, they were beset with a mightie 
and great Armada or Fleet of ships, by the Rover 
Limahon, of whose vocation they are continually on the UmaJm a 
Coast, the one by reason that the Countrey is full of ^^^^^ Rover. 
people, whereas of necessitie must be many idle persons : 
and the other and principall occasion, by reason of the 
great tyrannie that the Governours doe use unto the 
Subjects. This Limahon came upon them with intent to 
doe them harme as you shall understand. This Rover 
was borne in the Citie of Trucheo, in the Province of Where Lima- 
Cuytan, which the Portugals doe call Catim. He was of hon was borne. 
meane Parentage, and brought up in his youth in libertie 
and vice, he was by nature Warlike and evill inclined. 
He would learne no Occupation, but was given to rob in 
the high-wayes, and became so expert that many came 
unto him and followed that Trade. Hee made himselfe 
Captaine over them which were more than two thousand, 
and were so strong that they were feared in all that 
Province where as they were. This being knowne unto 
the King and to his Councell, they did straight way com- 
mand the Vice-roy of the Province whereas the Rover 
was, that with all the haste possible he should gather 
together all the Garrisons of his Frontiers, to apprehend 
and take him, and if it were possible to carry him alive 
unto the Citie of Taybin, if not his head. The Vice-roy [III. ii. 287.] 
incontinent did gather together people necessary, and in 
great haste to follow him. 

The which being knowne unto Limahon the Rover, 
who saw, that with the people hee had, he was not able 
to make resistance against so great a number as they 
were, and the eminent danger that was therein, hee called 
together his Companies, and went from thence unto a 
Port of the Sea, that was a few leagues from that place : 
and did it so quickly and in such secret, that before the 
people that dwelt therein, could make any defence (for 
that they were not accustomed to any such assaults, but 
lived in great quietnesse) they were Lords of the Port, 
and of all such ships as were there : into the which they 



imbarked themselves straight-wayes, weighed Anchor and 

departed to the Sea, whereas they thought to be in more 

securitie then on the Land (as it was true). Then he 

seeing himselfe Lord of all those Seas, beganne to rob 

and spoyle all ships that hee could take, as well strangers 

as of the naturall people: by which meanes in a small 

time he was provided of Mariners, and other things which 

before hee lacked, requisite for that new Occupation. 

He sacked, robbed and spoyled all the Townes that were 

upon the Coast, and did very much harme. So hee 

finding himselfe very strong with fortie ships well armed, 

of those he had out of the Port, and other that hee had 

taken at the Sea, with much people such as were without 

shame, their hands imbrued with Robberies and killing 

of men, he imagined with himselfe to attempt greater 

matters, and did put it in execution : he assaulted great 

Townes, and did a thousand cruelties. So he following 

this trade and exercise, he chanced to meete with another 

Vtntoqmana Rover as himselfe, called Vintoquian, likewise naturally 

h this Rover, '^orne in China, who was in a Port void of any care or 

mistrust, whereas Limahon finding opportunitie, with 

greater courage did fight with the ships of the other : 

that although they were threescore ships great and small, 

and good Souldiers therein, he did overcome them, and 

tooke five and fiftie of their ships, so that Vintoquian 

escaped with five ships. Then Limahon seeing himselfe 

with a fleet of ninetie five ships well armed, and with 

many stout people in them, knowing that if they were 

taken, they should be all executed to death ; setting all 

feare apart, gave themselves to attempt new inventions 

of evill, not onely in robbing of great Cities, but also in 

destroying of them. 

For the which, commandement was given straight-wayes 

One hundred unto the Vice-roy of that Province (whereas he used to 

andthtrHe execute his evill) that with great expedition he might 
great ships of , , \ * r 1 °i.i /•, o ^ 

fVarrewith ^ taken, who in rew dayes did set forth to Sea, one 

forty thousand hundred and thirtie great ships well appointed, with forty 

men. thousand men in them, and one made Generall over them 




all, a Gentleman called Omoncon, for to goe seeke and Omonam. 
follow this Rover with expresse commandement to appre- 
hend or kill him. Of all this provision, Limahon had 
advertisemant by some secret friends, who seeing that his 
Enemies were many, and he not able to countervail 
them, neither in shippes nor men, determined not to 
abide their comming, but to retyre and depart from that 
Coast : so in flying he came unto an Hand in secret, 
called Tonznacaotican, which was fortie leagues from the 
firme Land, and is in the right way of Navigation to 
the Hands Philippinas. 

From this Hand they did goe forth with some of 
their ships robbing and spoyling all such as they met 
with Merchandize, and other things that they carried 
from one Hand to another, and from the Hand unto the 
firme, and comming from thence amongst them all, they 
caused to take two ships of China which came from 
Manilla, and were bound to their owne Countrey. And 
having them in their power, they searched them under 
hatches, and found that they had rich things of Gold, 
and Spanish Rials, which they had in trucke of their 
Merchandize, the which they carried to the Hands. They 
informed themselves in all points of the State, and fertilitie 
of that Countrey, but in particular of the Spaniards, and 
how many there were of them in the Citie of Manilla, 
who were not at that present above seventie persons, for 
that the rest were separated in the discovering and 
populing of other Hands newly found, and understanding 
that these few did live without any suspition of Enemies, 
and had never a Fort nor Bulwarke, and the Ordnance 
which they had (although it was very good) yet was it 
not in order to defend them nor offend their Enemies, 
hee determined to goe thither with all his fleete and 
people, for to destroy and kill them, and to make him- 
selfe Lord of the said Hand of Manilla, and other adjacent 
there nigh the same. So with this determination hee 
departed from those Hands whereas hee was retyred, and 
went to Sea, and sayling towards the Hands Philippinas, 




Illocos. they passed in sight of the Hands of the lUocos, which 

had a Towne called Fernandina, which was new founded 
by the Captayne John de Salzedo, who at that instant 
was in the same for Lieutenant to the Governour : Foure 
leagues from the same they met with a small Galley, 
which the said John de Salzedo had sent for victuals. 
He cast about towards her, and with great ease did take 
her, and did burne and kill all that was in her, and 
pardoned one of them. This being done, hec did 
prosecute his Voyage according unto his determination, 
and passed alongst, but not in such secret but that he 

Fernandina. was discovered by the Dwellers of the Towne of Fer- 
nandina, who gave notice thereof unto the Lieutenant of 
the Governour aforesaid, as a wonder to sec so many 
ships together, and a thing never scene before at those 
Hands. Likewise it caused admiration unto him, and 
made him to thinke and to imagine with great care what 
it might be, he saw that they did beare with the Citie 
of Manilla, and thought with himselfe, that so great a 

[III. ii. 288.] fleet as that was, could not goe to the place which they 
bare in with, for any goodnesse towards the dwellers 
therein, who were voide of all care, and a small number 
of people, as aforesaid : Wherewith he determined with 
himselfe with so great speed as it was possible, to joyne 
together such Spaniards as were there, which were to the 
number of fiftie foure, and to depart and procure to get 
the fore-hand of them, to advertise them of ManiBa, 
and to aide and helpe them to put their Artillerie in 
order, and all other things necessarie for their defence. 
This Limahon was well provided of provision, and all 
other things necessarie, and having the wind faire, hee 
was alwaies in the fore-front, and came in the sight <rf 

1574. Manilla upon Saint Andrewes Eve, in the yeere 1574. 

whereas hee came to an anchor that night with all his 
whole estate. 

For all the contradiction of the winde this same night 
the foure hundred Chinois did put themselves within a 
league of the Citie, upon Saint Andrewes day at eight 



of the clocke in the morning, whereas they left their 
Boats and went on land, and in great haste began to 
march forwards in battel aray divided in two parts, with 
two hundred Harquebusses afore, and immediatly after 
them other two hundred Pike-men : and by reason that 
they were many, and the Countrey very plaine, they were 
straightwaies discovered by some of the Citie, who entred 
in with a great noise, crying, Arme, arme, arme, the 
Enemies come. The which advice did little profit, for 
that there was none that would beleeve them : but 
beleeved that it was some false alarme done by the people 
of the Countrey for to mocke them. But in conclusion, 
the Enemies were come unto the house of the Generall 
of the Field, who was called Martin de Goyti, which was Martin de 
the first house in all the Citie that way which the Enemies ^^^ '^^»^- 
came. And before that the Spaniards and Souldiers that 
were within the Towne could be fully perswaded the 
rumour to be true, the Enemies had set fire upon his 
house, and slue him and all that were within. 

At this time, by the order of his Majestic was elected 
for Governour of these Hands Philippinas, Guido de Outdo de 
Labacates, after the death of Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, ^^^^^^^ 
who understanding the great fleet and power of Lymahon ^^'^^*^- 
the Rover, and the small resistance and defence that was 
in the Citie of Manilla, with as much speed as was 
possible he did call together all their Captaines and 
dwellers therein : and with a generall consent they spared 
no person of what qualitie and degree soever he was, 
but that his hand was to helpe all that was possible, the 
which endured two dayes and two nights, for so long the 
Rover kept his ships and came not abroad. In which 
time of their continuall labour, they made a Fort with Aforterected, 
Pipes and Boards filled with sand and other necessaries 
thereto belonging, such as the time would permit them : 
they put in carriages, foure excellent Peeces of Artillerie 
that were in the Citie. All the which being put in order, 
they gathered all the people of the Citie into that little 
Fort. The night before the Enemie did give assault unto 




Citie Burnt. 




the Citie, came thither the Captaine John de Salzedo, 
Lieutenant unto the Govcrnour. The Rover in the 
morning following, before the breake of the day (which 
was the second after he gave the first assault) was with 
all his fleet right against the Port, and did put aland sixc 
hundred Souldiers, who at that instant did set upon the 
Citie, the which at their pleasure they did sacke and 
burne. They did assault the Fort with great cruelty, 
as men fleshed with the last slaughter, thinking that their 
resistance was but small. But it fell not out as they did 
beleeve, for having continued in the fight almost all the 
day, with the losse of two hundred men, that were slaine 
in the assault, and many other hurt, he straightwaies 
departed fi-om thence, and returned the same way that 
he came, till they arrived in a mightie River, fortie 
leagues from the Citie of Manilla, that is called Panga- 
sinan, the which place or soyle did like him very well, 
and where he thought he might be sure from them, who 
by the commandement of the King went for to seeke 
him. There hee determined to remayne, and to make 
himselfe Lord over all that Countrey, the which he did 
with little travell, and built himselfe a Fort one league 
within the River, whereas he remayned certaine dayes, 
receiving tribute of the Inhabitants thereabouts, as though 
he were their true and naturall Lord : and at times went 
forth with his ships robbing and spoyling all that he met 
upon the coast. And spred abroad, that he had taken 
to himselfe the Hands Philippinas, and how that all the 
Spaniards that were in them, were either slayne or fled 
away. With this consideration they entred into counsell, 
and did determine to joyne together all the people they 
could, and being in good order, to follow and seeke the 
Rover. Then the Governours commanded to be called 
together all the people bordering thereabouts, and to 
come unto the Citie whereas hee was. Likewise at that 
time hee did give advice unto such as were Lords and 
Governours of the Hands, called Pintados, commanding 
them to come thither, with such ships as they could spare, 



as well Spaniards as the naturall people of the Countrey. 
The Generall* of the field with the people aforesaid, did *JohndeSal- 
depart from Manilla the three and twentieth day of ^^ ^ 
March, Anno 1575. and arrived at the mouth of the ^q^^ andwas 
River Pagansinan upon tenable Wednesday in the morn- NgfAna to 
ing next following, without being discovered of any. Michael 
Then straightwaies at that instant the Generall did put ^i^' 
a-land all his people and foure Peeces of Artilleric, leaving 
the mouth of the River shut up with his shipping, in 
chayning the one to the other, in such sort, that none could 
enter in neither yet goe forth to give any advice unto the 
Rover of his arriv^ : he commanded some to goe and 
discover the fleet of the Enemie, and the place whereas [HI. ii. 289.] 
he was fortified, and charged them very much to doe it in 
such secret sort, that they were not espied : for therein 
consisted all their whole worke. Hee commanded the 
Captaine Gabriel de Ribera, that straightwaies he should 
depart by Land, and that upon a sudden he should strike 
alarme upon the Enemie, with the greatest tumult that 
was possible. Likewise he commanded the Captaines 
Pedro de Caves and Lorenso Chacon, that either of them 
with forty Souldiers should goe up the River in small 
ships and light, and to measure the time in such sort, that 
as well those that went by land, as those that went by 
water, should at one instant come upon the Fort, and to 
give alarme both together, the better to goe thorow with 
their pretence : and he himselfe did remayne with all the 
rest of the people, to watch occasion and time for to aide 
and succour them if need be required. This their 
purpose came so well to passe, that both the one and the 
other came to good effect : for those that went by water, 
did set fire on all the fleet of the Enemie : and those that 
went by land at that instant had taken and set fire on a 
Trench made of timber, that Limahon had caused to bee 
made for the defence of his people and the Fort : and 
with that furie they slue more then one hundred Chinos, 
and tooke prisoners seventy women which they found in 
the same Trench, but when that Limahon understood the 
XII 161 L 



rumour, hee tooke himselfe straightwaies to his Fort 
which hee had made for to defend himselfe from the 
Kings Navie, if they should happen to finde him out. 

The next day following, the Generall of the field did 
bring his Souldiers into a square battell, and beganne to 
march towards the Fort, with courage to assault it if 
occasion did serve thereunto : hee did pitch his Campe 
within two hundred paces of the Fort, and found that the 
Enemie did all that night fortifie himselfe very well, and 
in such sort, that it was perillous to assault him, for that 
he had placed upon his Fort three Peeces of Artillerie, 
and many Bases, besides other Engines of fire-worke. 
Seeing this, and that his Peeces of Artillerie that hee 
brought were very small for to batter, and little store o£ 
munition, for that they had spent all at the assault which 
the Rover did give them at Manilla, the Generall of the 
field, and the Captaines concluded amongst themselves, 
that seeing the Enemie had no ships to escape by water, 
ndther had he any great store of victuals for that all was 
burnt in the ships, it was the best and most surest way to 
besiege the Fort, and to remayne there in quiet untill that 
hunger did constraine them either to yeeld or come to 
some conclusion : which rather they will then to perish 
with hunger, 
Ltmahm after This determination was liked well of them all, although 
three moneths \% fdl out deane contrarie unto their expectation ; for that 
nege escapeth. j^^ ^j^^ space of three moneths that siege endured, this 
Limahon did so much that within the Fort he made 
certaine small Barkes, and trimmed them in the best 
manner he could, wherewith in one night he and all his 
people escaped. 

It happened upon a day, that there came to the Campe 
t ship of Miguell de Loarcha, wherein was Friar Martin 
de Herrada Provinciall of the Augustine Friars. Seven 
leagues after they were out of the mouth of Paga^nan, 
they met with a ship of Sangleyes, who made for the Port, 
and thinking them to bee Enemies, they bare with them 
(having another ship that followed them for their defence) 



and had no more in them but the said Provinciall and five 
Spaniards, besides the Mariners. This ship of Sangley 
seeing that hee did beare with them, would have fled, but 
the winde would not permit him, for that it was to him 
contrary, which was the occasion that the two ships 
wherein the Spaniards were, for that they did both sayle 
and rowe, in a small time came within Cannon shot. In 
one of the ships there was a Chino, called Sinsay. This 
Sinsay went straightwaies into the fore-ships, and dc* 
manded what they were, and from whence they came : and 
being well enformed, hee understood that hee was one of 
the ^ips of warre that was sent out by the King of China, 
to seeke the Rover Limahon, who leaving the rest of the 
fleet behind, came forth to seeke in those Hands to see if 
hee could discover him to bee in any of them : and the 
better to bee enformed thereof, they were bound into 
the Port of Buliano, from whence they came with their 
two ships : from whom they would have fled, thinking 
they had beene some of the Rovers ships. Being fully 
perswaded the one of the other, they joyned together with 
great peace and friendship : the Spaniards straightwaies 
entred into their Boat, and went unto the ship of the 
Chinos, and carried with them the aforesaid Sinsay, for to 
be their Interpreter, and to speake unto the Chinos. In 
the said ship came a man of great authoritie, who was 
called Omoncon, who brought a Commission from their 
King, and shewed it unto the Spaniards, and unto the 
Father Provinciall : in the which the King and his 
Counsell did pardon all those Souldiers that were with 
Limahon, if that forthwith they would leave him and 
returne unto the Kings part : and likewise did promise 
great gifts and favour unto him that did either take or 
kiU the aforesaid Rover. Then did Sinsay declare unto 
him of the comming of the Rover unto the Hands, and all 
that happened in the siege of the Citie, as aforesaid ; and 
how they had him besieged in the River of Pagansinaa, 
from whence it was not possible for him to escape. 
The Captaine Omoncon rgoyced very much oi these 





newes, and made many signes of great content, and did 
embrace the Spaniards many times, and gave other tokens 
whereby hee did manifest the great pleasure hee recdved, 
[III. ii. 290.] and would therewith straightwaies depart unto the rest of 
the fleet. And for that they looked every day for the 
death or imprisonment of the Rover, the better to enforme 
himselfe : hee determined (for that it was so nigh hand) 
to goe and see the Generall of the field in Pagansinan, and 
Carrie with him Sinsay, one that was known both of the 
one and the other : by whose meanes they might treate of 
such things that best accomplished the confirmation of the 
peace and friendship betwixt the Chinois and the Spaniards, 
as also of the death or imprisonment of Limahon. With 
this resolution, the one departed unto Pagansinan, whereas 
they arrived the same day, and the others unto Manilla, 
whither they went for victuals. 

Omoncon remayned there certaine dayes, after the 
which he seeing that the siege did long endure, and that 
his staying might cause suspicion of his death : and 
againe, that the whole fleet did tarrie his comming to his 
intelligence of the Rover, being fully perswaded and 
certaine, that he could not escape the Spaniards hand : 
they had him in such a straight, and that they would 
without all doubt, send him unto the King alive or dead 
(as they promised him) hee was determined to returne 
unto China, with the good newes that hee had understood, 
with a determinate intent, to returne againe and carrie the 
Rover, after that they had him prisoner. With tlus 
resolution in the end of certaine dayes hee went unto 
the Governour, certifying him of his pretence, whereby 
hee might give him licence to put it in execution. The 
Governour did like well of his pretence, and did promise 
him the same, the which the Generall of the field did offer 
unto him : and which was, so soone as the Rover should 
be taken prisoner, or slayne, to send him unto the King 
without any delay, or else, to put him whereas he should 
be forth-comming, and to give them advertisement to 
send for him, or come himselfe : and did oflFer him more, 



that for his voyage he should bee provided forthwith of 
all things necessarie, without lacking of any thing. 
Omoncon did give him great thankes for the same, and 
in recompence thereof did promise unto the Governour, 
for that he understood, and had intelligence of the 
Fathers, of Saint Augustine, that his Honour, and his 
Antecessor, and the Adelantado, Miguel Lopez de 
L^aspi, had desired many times to send unto the 
Kingdome of China some Religious men, to treate of 
the preaching of the Gospell, and to see the wonders 
of that Kingdome, and how that they never could put 
this their desire in execution, for that those Chinois which 
came thither, although they did offer them whatsoever 
they would demand, fearing the punishment that should 
be executed on them according unto the Lawes of the 
Kingdome : hee did promise him, that he would carrie 
them with him unto China, such Religious men as his 
Honour would command, and some Souldiers, such as 
would goe with them : hoping with the good newes that Omonconpn- 
hee carried, to runne in no danger of the Law, neither ^^^^^^ ^ 
the Vice-roy of Aucheo to thinke evill thereof, and for a ^.'^^ ^^ 
more securitie that they should not bee evill entreated, china, 
hee would leave with him pledges to their content. 

The Governour being very joyfiill of these newes, did 
therewith send for the Provinciall of the Augustine Friers, 
who was elected but few dayes past : his name was Frier 
Alonso de Alvarado, unto whom hee declared the offer 
that the Captaine Omoncon had made unto him, whereat 
he rejoyced. They determined that there should goe but ^ gpod 
two Religious men, by reason that at that time there was P^^^^^^' 
but a few of them, and two Souldiers in their companie. 
The Religious men should be. Frier Martin de Herrada The Friers 
of Pamplona, who left off the dignitie of Provinciall : *^^' ^' 
and in companie with him should goe. Frier Hieronimo ^f^^^ 
Martin, who also was very well learned, and of the Citie 
of Mexico : the Souldiers that were appointed to beare 
them companie were called, Pedro Sarmiento, chiefc 
Sergeant of the Citie of Manilla of Vilorado, and 




Miguel de Loarcha, both principall men, and good 
Christians, as was convenient for that which they tooke 
in hand. These Fathers did carrie them for this purpose, 
that if they did remaine there with the King, preaching of 
the Gospell, then they should returne with the newes 
thereof, to give the Governour to understand of all that 
they had seene, and happened unto them : and likewise 
unto the King of Spayne, if need did so require. And 
A token that the Governour in token of gratitude, did give unto the 
fine cloth is Captaine Omoncon in the presence of them all, a gallant 
esteemd. Chaine of Gold, and a rich Robe of crimson in graine : a 
thing that hee esteemed very much, and much more 
esteemed in China, for that it is a thing that they have 
Spanish not there. Besides this, they did ordayne a reasonable 

bounty. Present for to send unto the Governour of Chincheo, hee 

that dispatched Omoncon by the commandement of the 
King, to goe and seeke the Rover : also another Present 
for the Vice-roy of the Province of Ochian, who was at 
that present in the Citie of Aucheo. And for that Sinsay 
should not finde himselfe agreeved (who was a Merchant 
well knowne amongst them, and perhaps might bee the 
occasion of some evill and disturbance of their pretence) 
they gave unto him also another Chaine of Gold, as well 
for this, as also for that hee was ever a sure and perfect 
friend unto the Spaniards. Then stndghtwaies by the 
commandement of the Governour there were brought 
together all such Chinois as were captive and taken from 
Limahon out of the Fort aforesaid, at Pagansinan, and 
gave them unto Omoncon, to carrie them free with him : 
and gave likewise commandement that the Generall of 
the field, and all such Captaines and Souldiers that were 
at the siege of the Fort, should give unto him all such as 
did there remaine : binding himselfe to pay unto the 
[III. ii. 291.] Souldiers, to whom they did appertaine, ail whatsoever 

they should bee valued to bee worth. 
They departed Upon a Sunday at the break of day, being the five 
towards 2nd twentieth of June, after they had prayed unto God 

C^na. to direct their voyage, they set sayle with a pro^rous 



wind: there were with the Friars, Souldiers and men 
of service, twentie persons, besides the Chinos, that were 
captives, and the people of the Captaine Omoncon. Thejr 
were not so soone off from the coast, but the wind abated, 
and they remayned becalmed certaine dayes: but after- 
wards they had a lustie gale, that carried them forwards. 
The Chinos doe governe their ships by a compasse divided CAina Com- 
into twelve parts, and doe use no Sea Cards, but a briefe passes JivideJ 
description or Ruter, wherewith they sayle : and commonly ^''^ i^- farts. 
for the most part they never goe out of the sight of 
Land. They marvelled very much when that it was told Chinotsmane 
them, that comming from Mexico unto Philippinas, they Mariners. 
were three moneths at the Sea and never saw Land. 
Upon the Sunday following, we had sight of the Land 
of China : so that wee found all our Voyage from the Port 
of Buliano, from whence wee had last departed, unto the 
firme Land to bee one hundred and fortie leagues; and 
twentie leagues before they came in the sight thereof, they 
had sounding at threescore and ten and fourescore fathom, SounMng. 
and so waxed lesse and lesse untill they came to the 
Land : which is the best and surest token they have to 
bee nigh the Land. In all the time of their Voyage the 
Captaine Omoncon with his Companie shewed such great 
courtesie and friendship to our men, as though they had 
beene the owners of the said ship: and at such time as 
they did embarke themselves, hee gave his owne Cabine 
that was in the sterne to the Friers, and unto Pedro 
Sarmiento, and to Miguel de Loarcha, hee gave another 
Cabine that was very good, and commanded his companie 
in the ship that they should respect them more then 
himselfe: the which was in such sort, that on a day at 
the beginning of their Voyage, the Fathers found them 
making of Sacrifice unto their Idols, and told them, that 
all which they did was a kinde of mockage, and that they 
should worship but ondy one God: and willed them to 
doe so no more. Who onely in respect of them did 
leave it off, and not use it after in all the Voyage : 
whereas before they did use it every day many times. 



Tkey leave the Besides this, they would worship the Images that the 
^o^i^f/^g of Friers did carrie with them, and kneele upon their knees 
wr/ito ^ ^^^ great shew of devotion : who now having sight of the 
another. firme Land, in so short time, and passed that small Gulfe 

so quietly, which was wont to bee very perillous and full 
of stormes : they did attribute it unto the Prayers of the 
Friers, their companions and Souldiers. As they drew 
neerer the Land, they might discover from the Sea, a 
Titubul in the very gallant and well towred Citie, that was called Titubul, 
Province of whereas the King hath continually in Garrison ten thou- 
ChsMchea. ^^^ Souldiers, and is under the governement ' of the 
Province of Chincheo. The next day wee came unto a 
Watch-towre, which was situated upon a Rocke at the 
entrie into a Bay, who had discovered our ship, and knew 
the Standard or Flagge to bee the Kings: and made a 
signe unto seven ships which were on the other side 
of the Point, which was part of a companie ordayned for 
to keepe and defend the coast, which were more then 
foure hundred. Straightwayes the Captaine of the seven 
ships came forth to know what wee were. Hee issued 
forth from behind the Point, with three ships that did 
rowe with Oares very swift: and when he came nigh 
unto them, he shot at them to make them to amaine: 
the which Omoncon would not doe, for that he supposed 
(as afterwards hee did confesse) that he should be some 
man of litde estimation, and not the Generall of the 
coast. But as he drew nigher unto him, he did know 
him by the Flagge hee bare on the sterne, in the Foist 
wherein he was himselfe with his Souldiers, and straight- 
waies caused to amaine his sayles, and tarried for him. 
The Generall did the like, and stayed behind, sending a 
Boat for to bring the Captaine unto him, and to declare 
what hee was, and from whence hfee came. Omoncon 
did forthwith embarke himselfe into his Boat without any 
resistance, but rather with feare that he should be punished 
for that hee did flee from him. The Generall gave him 
good entertainment. 

This Generall was a goodly man of person, and was 



very well apparelled, and did sit in a Chaire in the sterne 
of his ship, the which was all covered to keepe away 
the Sunne: he commanded the Captaine Omoncon to sit 
downe by him upon the hatches, without Chaire or any 
other thing, who did obey him, although first he did 
refuse it with great modestie, as not worthie to have that 
honour, which was not esteemed a little. After that he 
was set, hee gave him to understand in effect of all his 
voyage and successe, and in what extremitie hee left 
Limahon, and also how that he carried with him the 
Friars and other Spaniards, which went to carrie the 
newes, and to treat of peace with the Vice-roy of Aucheo : 
unto whom, and unto the Governour of Chincheo, he 
carried presents, sent from the Governour and Generall 
of the field of the Hands Philippinas. When the Generall 
had heard this relation, he commanded the Boat to returne 
and to bring them before him, that he might see what 
manner of men they were of person, and the use of the 
apparell : and likewise to satisfie himselfe of other desires 
that came into his mind by that which Omoncon had said 
of them. The Fathers and their companions did obey 
the commandement, and did embarke themselves in the 
Boat, and came unto the ship whereas the Generall received 
them with great courtesie after his fashion. 

§. IIIL [III. ii. 292.] 

Friar Martin De Herrada, and other Spaniards 
entertaynment in China, and their returne to 
the Philippinas. 

Pthin a little while after, Omoncon and his com- 
panie arrived at the Port of Tanfuso hard by, Tanfiuo^or 
upon Wednesday in the evening, being the fift Tottsuso. 
day of July. This Tanfuso is a gallant and fresh Towne 
of foure thousand Housholders, and hath continually 
a thousand Souldiers in Garrison, and compassed about 
with a great and strong wall, and the gates fortified with 




plates of Iron, the foundations of all the houses arc of 
Lime and Stone, and the walls of Lime and Earth, and 
some of Bricke : their houses within very fairely wrought, 
with great Courts, their streets faire and broad all paved. 
Before that Omoncon did come unto an anchor, they saw 
all the Souldiers and the people of the Towne were 
gathered together upon the Rockes that were joyning 
unto the Port, all armed ready unto the battell, amongst 
whom there was a principall Captaine, and three more 
of his companions, that were sent him by the Governour 
of Chincheo, whom they doe call in their language, 
Insuanto, who had understanding of the comming of 
Omoncon. When the ship entred into the Port, Omoncon 
did salute the Towne with certaine Peeces of Artillerie, 
and discharged all his Harquebusses sixe times about, 
and therewithall tooke in her sayle, and let anchor fall. 
Then straightwaies the Captaine whom the Insuanto had 
sent, came aboord the ship, who had expresse commission, 
not to leave the companie of our people after that they 
were disembarked, till such time as they came whereas 
he was, but to beare them companie, and to provide them 
of all things necessarie : the which he did accomplish. 
Ensignes to All these Captaines and Ministers of the King doe 
know the weare certaine ensignes for to be knowne from the 
^ ^' common people, to wit, broad Wastes or Girdles em- 

bossed after divers manners : some of Gold and Silver, 
some of the Tortois shell, and of a sweet wood, and other 
some of Ivorie, the higher estates hath them embroidered 
with Pearles and precious stones, and their Bonnets with 
two long eares, and their Buskins made of Sattin, and 
unshorne Velvet. 
Board-licence. Then after, so soone as they were come to an anchor 
in the Port, the Justice did send them a Licence in writing 
for to come forth of the ship, as a thing necessarie, ftw 
that without it the Waiters or Guards of the water side, 
will not suffer them to put foot on land. This Licence 
was written upon a boord whited, and firmed by the 
Justice, whose charge it is to give the Licence. Then 



when they came ashoare, there were the Souldiers that The first 
were appointed by the Insuanto in a readinesse to beare ^^^^^g ^f^^ 
them companie, and did direct and leade them unto the '^^^*' 
Kings houses of the said Citie : the like hath every Citie 
almost throughout all the Kingdome, and there they bid 
lodge them. These houses are very great and very well 
wrought, and gallant, with faire Courts below, and Galleries 
above : they had in them Stanges or Ponds of water full 
of fish of sundry sorts. 

The people of the Citie did presse very much to see 
these strangers, so that with the presse, as also with the 
great heate, they were marvellously afflicted : which being 
perceived by the Justice, he gave order that they might 
bee eased of that trouble, and caused Sergeants to keepe 
the doore, and their Yeomen to make resistance against 
the people. When night was come, the Justice of the 
Cide did make a Banquet according to the fashion of The use of 
the Countrey : and it was in the fashion following. They ^^^r banquets. 
were carried into a Hall that was very curiously wrought, 
wherein were many Torches and waxe Candles light, 
and in the midst thereof was set for every one of the 
Guests a Table by himselfe, as is the use and fashion 
of that Countrey; every Table had his covering of 
Damaske or Sattin very well made, the Tables were 
gallantly painted, without any Table-clothes, neither doe 
they use any, for they have no need of them, for that 
they doe eate all their victuals with two litde stickes made 
of Gold and Silver, and of a marvellous odoriferous wood, 
and of the length of litde Forkes, as they doe use in 
Italie, with the which they do feed themselves so cleanly, 
that although their victuals be never so small, yet doc 
they let nothing fall, neither foule their hands nor fiices. 
They were set downe at these Tables in very good order, 
and in gallant Chaires, in such sort, that although they 
were every one at his Table by himselfe, yet they might 
see and talke one with another, they were served with 
divers sorts of cates, and very well dressed, both of flesh 
and fish, as gamons of Bacon, Capons, Geese, whole Hens, 




and pieces of Beefe, and at the last, many little baskets 
full of sweet meats made of Sugar, and Marchpanes all 
iVtne of a wrought very curiously. They gave them Wine of an 
Paime tree, indifferent colour and taste, made of the Palm-tree. All 
the time that the supper lasted, there was in the Hall 
great store of Musicke of divers Instruments, whereon 
they played with great consort, some one time and some 
another. The Instruments which they commonly doe 
use, are Hoybuckes, Cornets, Trumpets, Lutes, such as 
be used in Spaine, although in the fashion there is some 
difference. There was at this Banquet (which endured 
a great while) the Giptaine that was ordayned for their 
Guard, and the Captaine Omoncon, and Sinsay. When 
[III. ii. 293.] Supper was done, they were carryed into very faire 
Chambers, whereas were faire Beds, where they slept 
and eased themselves. 

The next day in the morning, was brought unto them 
their ordinarie victuals, and that in abundance, as well of 
Flesh as of Fish, Fruits and Wine, to be dressed unto 
their owne content, and according unto their manner : 
they would take nothing for the same, for so they were 
commanded by the Insuantes. This was brought unto 
them every day, so long as they were there, & in the way 
when as they went unto Chincheo. The same day arrived 
Captaine of a Captayne of fortie Ships in the same Port, and so soone 
fbrtie Ships, ^s hee was ashoare, he went straight-wayes unto the Palace 
for to see the strangers: who being advertised of his 
comming, came foorth and received him at the Palace gate, 
whereas was used betwixt them great courtesie. The 
Captayne came with great Majestic, with his guard of 
Souldiers and Mace-bearers before him, with great musicke 
of Hoy-buckes, Trumpets and Drums, and two WhifFelers, 
or Typ-staves, that made roome, putting the people aside : 
Sergeants. also there came with him two executors of Justice, having 
each of them in their hands a Set made of canes, which is 
an instrument wherewith they doth whip and punish 
offenders. When this Captayne came unto the Palace 
gate, whereas the father Friars and their companions did 



receive him, he was brought on the shoulders of eight 
men very richly apparelled, in a chayre wrought of 
Ivorie and Gold, who stayed not till they came into the 
inner Chamber, whereas he did alight from the chayre, and 
went straight under a Cloath of estate, that was there 
ordinarily for the same purpose, and a Table before him : 
there hee sate downe, and straight-wayes arose up, and 
standing he did receive the strange ghests, who did 
courtesie unto him according unto their fashion, which is 
to Joyne their hands together, and to stoope with them 
and their heads downe to the ground : hee gratified them 
againe, with bowing his head a little, and that with great 
gravitie. These speeches being finished, there was brought 
foorth certaine pieces of blacke Silke of twelve vares long 
a piece. And his Ofllicers did put on the Friars shoulders 
each of them two, which was for either shoulder one, and 
was brought about their bodies and girt therewith : the 
like was done in order unto the Spanish Souldiers, and 
unto Omoncon, and Sinsay, and to their Interpreter. But 
unto Omoncon, and Sinsay, was given unto either of them 
a branch or Nosegay made of Silver, which was set upon 
their heads, which is accustomable honour, that is done 
unto such as have done some great enterprise, or such 
like. After that this ceremonie was done, they played 
upon the Instruments aforesayd, which came with the 
Captayne. In the meane time of their musicke, there was 
brought foorth great store of Conserves, March-panes, and 
things made of Sugar, and excellent good Wine : and so 
being on foote standing, hee caused them to eate, and hee 
himselfe from the Chayre whereas he sate, did give to 
them to drinke every one in order, without rising up, 
which is a ceremonie and token of great favour, and of 

This being done, hee arose from the chayre under the 
Cloath of state, and went and sate downe in that which 
was brought on mens backes, and with declyning of his 
head a little, hee departed out of the Hall and out of the 
house, and went unto his owne house, whereas by the 




counsell of Omoncon, and Sinsay, within an houre after 
they should goe and visite him, the which they did : hee 
received them marvellously well and with great courtesie : 
who marvelled at his great Majestic and authoritie, for 
that Omoncon and Sinsay, when they did talke with him 
were upon their knees> and so did all the rest. Hee gave 
them a^ne in his owne house a gallant banquet, of divers 
sorts of Conserves and Fruits, and excellent Wine of the 
Palme*tree, and did talke and reason with them in good 
sort, and was more familiar than at his first visitation. 

After that the Fathers with their companions had 
remained two dayes in the Port of Tansuso, the third day 
they departed in the morning towards Chincheo. At 
their going forth of the Town, they were accompanied 
with a great number of Soldiers, both Harquebusses & 
Pikes, and before them a great noyse of Trumpets, Drums, 
and Hoy-bucks, till such time as they came unto the 
Rivers side, whereas was a Brygandine provided and made 
readie in all points, to carrie them up the River : all the 
streets alongst whereas they went, there followed them 
so much people that it was innumerable, and all to 
see them. All alongst the Rivers whereas they went, was 
' seated with Villages very gallant and fresh, both on the 
one side and on the other. 

At the end of the two leagues, they came unto a great 
Bay, where was at an Anchor a fleete of more then one 
hundred and fiftie Ships men of warre, whose Generall 
was this Captaine, whom wee have spoken of. At such 
time as the fleete did discover them, they began to salute 
them, as well with great pieces of Artillerie, as with 
Harquebusses, and other kinde of pastimes, which com- 
monly they doe use at such times. 

Our Spaniards did travell up the River more than three 
lei^ues, having continually both on the one side and on 
the other, very many and faire Townes, and full of people. 
In the end or the three leagues, they went aland halfe a 
Tangpa. league from the Towne of Tangoa, whereas straight-wayes 
all such things as they carryed with them, were taken 




upon mens backes, and canyed unto the Townc before 

them, whereas they were tarrying their comming, for to 

give them great entertaynment. At their going ashoare, 

they found prepared for the two Religious men, little 

Chayres to carrie them upon mens backes, and for the 

Souldiers and the rest of their companions horse. The 

Fathers did refuse to bee carryed, and would have gone a 

foot, but Omoncon, and the other Captayne would not [III. ii. 294.] 

consent thereunto. The Fathers obeyed their reasons, 

and entred into the Chayres, and were carryed with eight 

men a piece, and the other their companions with foure 

men a piece, according unto the order given by the 

Governour. Those that carryed the Chayres, did it with 

so good a will, that there was striving who should first lay 

hands to them. This Towne of Tangoa, hath three 

thousand Souldiers, and is called in their language Coan : 

at the entring in, it hath many Gardens and Orchards and 

a street where through they carryed the Spaniards unto 

their lodging, they afBrmed to bee halfe a league long, and 

all the street whereas they went, was full of boards and 

stalles whereon was layd all kinde of Merchandise very 

curious, and things to bee eaten, as fresh Fish and salt 

Fish of divers sorts, and great abundance of Fowle, and 

Flesh of all sorts. Fruits and greene Herbes in such 

quantitie, that it was sufficient to serve such a Citie as 

Sivill is. They were brought unto the Kings house, 

which was very great, marveilously well wrought with 

stone and bricke, and many Halls, Parlours, and Chambers, 

but none above, but all below. So soone as they were a 

foote, there was brought from the Captayne or Justice of 

the Towne, whom they doe call Ticoan, a message, bidding 

them welcome, and therewith a present, which was great 

store of Capons, Hennes, Teales, Duckes, Geese, Flesh of 

foure or five sorts, fresh Fish, Wine, and fruits of divers 

sorts, and of so great quantitie, that it was sufficient for 

two hundreth men. All the which they would have given 

for a little coole ayre, by reason that it was then very hot 

weather; and againe, the great number of pec^e that 




came thither to see them did augment it the more. In 
the Evening the two Spanish Souldicrs went foorth into 
the streets to walke abroad, and left the two Friars within 
their lodging, unto whom afterwards they did give intelli- 
gence of all things that they had scene, which did cause 
great admiration : the wall of the Towne was very broad, 
and wrought with lyme and stone, full of loope-holes and 
watch-towers. And as they passed through the streets 
there came foorth of a house a very honest man, as it 
seemed, who was very well apparelled and stayed them, 
CAha for that in the same house, there were certayne Dames 
ffomn. principall personages, that did see them a ferre off, and 
not content therewith, they did request them with great 
courtesie for to enter into the house, that they might the 
better see them : the which they did straight-wayes 
accomplish, and entring in, they were brought into a 
court, whereas was set Chayres for them to sit downe, and 
the Ladies were there a little from them, beholding them 
with great honestie and gravitie. Then a little after, they 
set them a banquet with March-panes and sweet meats 
made of Sugar, which they did eate without any curiositie, 
and drunke after the same. The banquet being done, 
they made signes and tokens unto them, that they received 
great content with their sight, and that they might depart 
when that their pleasure was, the which they did, after 
that they had made great curtesies with thankes, for their 
friendship received of both parts. So after they had taken 
House of their leave, they went to see a House of pleasure, that was 
pleasure, j^^^j ^y ^j^^ Towne-wall, wrought upon the water, with 
very faire galleries and open lodges to banquet in, made of 
Masons worke, and therein many Tables finely painted, 
and round about it Cisterns of water, wherein was store of 
Fish, and joyning unto them Tables of very faire Alabaster, 
all of one stone, and the least of them was of eight spannes 
long : and round about them were brookes of running 
water, that gave a pleasant sound in the meane time th^ 
were banquetting, and nigh thereunto many Gardens full 
of all sorts of Flowers. And a little from that place they 



saw a Bridge all of Masons worke, and the stones very Sme-hvige. 
well wrought and of a mightie bignesse, they measured 
some of them, that were twentie and two and twentie 
foote long, and five foot broad, and seemed unto them, 
that it was a thing impossible to bee layd there by mans 
hands. Of this bignesse, yea and bigger they did see layd 
upon many other Bridges, in the discourse of their voyage, 
going to Chincheo and Aucheo. The next day in the 
morning when they were up and readie, they found in the 
house all things in a readinesse and in very good order, 
for their departure, as well their little Chayres, and Horse, 
as for men to carrie their stufFe and apparell, which did 
not a litle make them to marvell, how that every one of 
them with a waster upon their shoulders, did divide their 
burthen in two parts, sixe roves before and sixe roves 
behinde, and did travell with the same with so great ease 
and swiftnesse, that the Horse could not indure with them. 
They went unto the Ticoan his house. They found him 
with great Majestie, but yet gave them great and good 
entertaynment. Hee did likewise put upon each of them, 
two pieces of Silke, in the same order as the Governour of 
Tansuso did. 

From this Towne of Tangoa unto Chincheo, is thirteene 
leagues, and so playne way that it giveth great content to 
travell it : in all the way they could not see one spanne of 
ground but was tilled and occupied. The like they doe TAHfiie 
say, is of all the ground that is in the whole Kingdome : fi//age. 
it is full of people, and the Townes one so neere to 
another, that almost you can not judge them to bee many 
Townes but one, for that there was but a quarter of a 
league distant, one Towne from another, and it was told 
unto them that in all the Provinces of the Kingdome, it is 
peopled in the same order. All their ground they till is 
watred, which is the occasion of the fruitfiilnesse thereof, 
so that they doe gather fruit all the yeere long, and our 
Spaniards did see in all places whereas they came, that 
they were gathering of Rice, some new sprung up, some Pbwing witk 
with eares, and some ripe. They doe plough and till their Bujfaks. 
XII 177 M 



[III. ii. 295.] ground with Kine, Bufalos, and Bulls, which are very tame, 
and although they bee very great, yet be their homes 
but of a spanne long and turning backwards to the tayle, 
in such sort that they cannot doe any hurt or harme with 
them : they doe governe them with a coard that is made 
fast to a ring that is in their nose, and in like sort doe 
they governe the Bufalos. They doe feed them commonly 

Pasturage, in the fields of Rice, for that they have no other grasings, 
and all the time that they are feeding, a Boy doth ride 
on every one of them to disturbe them, that they doe 
no harme therein. But to eate the weedes and grasse 
that doe grow in the Rice. 

All the high-wayes are covered with the shadow of 
very faire Orchards, which doe garnish it very much, and 
they are planted in vety good order : and amongst them 
there are Shops, whereas is sold all manner or Fruits, 
to the comfort of all such as doe travell by the way, 
which is an infinite number, some on foote, some on 
horse-backe, and others in little chayres. Their waters 
by the high-wayes, are very good and light. The same 
day when they had travelled halfe way, they saw a farre 
oflr comming marching towards them in very good order, 
a squadron of Souldiers, which at the first caused them 
to marvell, and to bee afrayd, till such time as they drew 
nigher, it was told unto them, that it was the Captayne 
of the guard unto the Insuanto, or Governour of Chin- 
cheo, who came by his order to receive them with foure 
hundred Souldiers, very well armed with Pikes and 
Harquebusses, and well apparelled. So soone as the 
Captayne came unto them, hee was mounted on a bay 
Horse, but of small stature, as they for the most part 
bee in all that Province, hee alighted and came unto 
the Fathers, and his companions (who likewise did alight 
from their litde Chayres) and did salute the one the other 
with great courtesie. 

The Captayne came very well apparelled with a Chayne 
of gold about his necke, a man of a good audacitie and 
understanding. Hard unto his stirrop hee had a Page 



that went with him, and carryed a great Tira sol, made A tUng to 
of Silke, that did shadow him all over. Hee had before ^^^P^j^^^y 
him great musicke of Trumpets and Hoybuckes, whereon ***^' 
they played in great concord. This Captayne with his 
foure hundreth Souldiers, did continually guard them for 
pompe, not necessitie; for the people may not weare 
weapons but the Souldiers. In this high-way continually 
there went and came many packe-Horses, laden with 
Merchandise and other things, but the most part of them 
were Mules. The high-wayes are very broad, that High-wayes. 
twentie men may ride together on a ranke, and one not 
hinder another, and are all paved with great stones. 

UPon a Saturday being the eleventh of July, came 
our Spaniards unto the Citie of Chincheo, foure Ckimkiakatk 
houres before it was night. This Citie is of the common seventii 
sort in that Kingdome, and may have seventie thousand ^*^yl 
housholds. It is of great trafficke and well provided of '" 
all things, for that the Sea is but two leagues from it: 
it hath a mightie River running alongst by it downe into 
the Sea, by which is brought by water and carryed downe 
all kinde of merchandise. There is a Bridge over the ^^re Bridge. 
sayd River, which is supposed to bee the fairest that is 
in all the world : it hath a draw bridge to serve in time 
of warres, or for any other necessitie : the Bridge is eight 
hundred paces long, and all wrought with stones of two 
and twentie foote long, and five foote broad, a thing 
greatly to bee marvelled at : at the cntrie thereof, there 
were many armed Souldiers readie to fight, who when 
they came within Harquebusse shot did salute them in 
very good order. There was nigh unto the sayd bridge 
in the River riding at anchor, more then a thousand A thousand 
Ships of all sorts, and so great a number of Boates and ^?^' ^* ^^ 
Barkes, that all the River was covered, and every one 
full of people that had entred into them for to see the 
Castillas, for so they did call the Spaniards in that 
Countrey, for the streets in the Suburbes, nor in the 
Citie could not hold them, the number was so great, yet 




their streets are as broad as our ordinary streets in any 

Citie in all Spaine. This Citie is compassed with a strong 

Wall made of stone, and is seven fathom high, and foure 

fathom broad, & upon the Gates many towers, wherein 

is placed their Artillerie, which is all their strength, for 

They have no that they doe not use in their Kingdome strong Gistles, 

use of Castles, as they doe in Europe. The houses of the Citie are all 

built after one sort and fashion, but faire, & not very 

Earthquahes high, by reason of the Earthquakes which are ordinarily 

c/^t- ^^ ^^^^ Country. All the streets (but especially that 

^*^ ^' wherin they passed at their comming thither) have on the 

one side and on the other. Sheds, under the which are 

Rich shops, full of rich Merchandise and of great value, and 

Merchandise, yg,y curious. They have in equall distance the one from 

Triumphant the Other, many triumphant Arches which doe set out 

Arches. the Streets very much, and is used in every principall 

street throughout all the Kingdome, in the which they 

have excellent Market-places, whereas is to bee bought 

all things that you will desire to be eaten, as well of Fish, 

as of Flesh, Fruits, Hearbs, Comfits, Conserves, and all 

things so good cheape, that it is almost bought for 


The Insuanto, The Insuanto or Governour of the Citie, did send that 

forthwith they should goe unto his House, for that hee 

had great desire to see them. In the midst of the streete, 

where was no lesse number of people then in the other, 

whereby they cntred into the Citie, they met with a 

Loytia, that came to entertaine them with great Majestie, 

and had carryed before him many Banners, Mace-bearers, 

and Tipstaves, and others which carryed Sets or Whips, 

which they did trayle after them, made fast unto long 

stickes, which were the Executioners, the which doe goe 

alwayes making of way, parting the people before the 

[III. ii. 296.] Loytias, as you have heard. The majestie and company 

wherewith he came was so great, that they verily did 

beleeve him to be the Insuanto : but being certified, they 

Jn Assistant, understood that it was one of his Counsellors that came 

from the Governours home to his owne house, which was 



in the same street whereas hee met with them. This 
&)unsellor was carried in a Chaire of Ivorie, garnished 
with Gold and with Curtaines of Cloth of Gold, and on 
them the Kings Armes, which are certayne Serpents Serpents 
knotted together (as hath beene told you). But when knotted the 
he came right against the Spaniards, without any staying "^ ^rmes. 
he made a signe with his head, and commanded that they 
should returne backe againe unto his house, which was 
hard by : the Captaines did straight-wayes obey his com- 
mandement, and returned with them. The Counsellor 
entred into his house, which was very faire, hee had in 
it a faire Court, and therein a gallant Fountaine and a 
Garden. After him entred the Spaniards all alone, the 
rest remayned without in the street at the Loytias com- 
mandement, hee entertayned them with very good words 
of semblance, and commanded a Banquet to be brought 
forth, and Wine to drinke, he began first both to eate 
and drinke. Then he commanded to call in the Captaine, 
unto whom was given the charge to beare them companie, 
and did chide with him very sharpely and severely, 
because he did carrie them on foot (they could not under- 
stand whether it were done for a policie, or of a truth, 
although the effects wherewith hee did chide seemed of a 
truth) hee straight-wayes commanded two rich Chaires 
to bee brought forth to carry the Fathers, and to give 
unto their companions Horses : the which beeing done, 
hee willed them to goe and visit the Governour, who did 
tarrie their comming: and that another time at more 
leisure he would see and visit them. 

They followed their way all alongst the street, which 
seemed unto them to bee more fairer then the other Goodly sight. 
wherein they entred, and of more fairer houses and 
triumphant Arches: and also the shops that were on 
the one side and on the other, to bee better furnished 
with richer things then the others, in so ample sort, that 
what therewith, as also the great number of people which 
they saw, they were so amazed, that they were as people 
from themselves, thinking it to bee a Dreame. To con- 




elude, after they had gone a good while in that street, 
delighting their eyes with new things never seene of them 
before : they came into a great place, whereas were many 
Souldiers in good order with their Harquebusses, Pikes 
and other Armour in a readinesse, apparelled all in a 
Livery of Silke, with their Ancients displayed. At the 
end of this place, was there a very faire and sumptuous 
The Palace, Palace, the gate was wrought of Masons worke of stone, 
very great and full of figures or Personages, and above 
it a great window with an Iron grate all gUt : they were 
carried within the gates, the Soulders and the people 
which were without number, remayned without and could 
not be avoyded but with great difficultie. When they 
were within the first Ck)urt, there came forth a man very 
well apparelled and of authoritie, and made signes with 
his hand unto them that brought the Spaniards, that they 
should carrie them into a Hall that was upon the right 
hand, the which was straight-wayes done. The Hall 
was very great and fiiire, and at the end thereof there 
was an Altar, whereon were many Idols, and all did differ 
the one from the other in their fashion : the Altar was 
rich and very curiously trimmed with burning Lampes: 
the Altar-cloth was of cloth of Gold : and the fruntlet 
of the same. 

After awhile that they had beene there whereas the 
Idols were, there came a Servant from the Governour 
and said unto them in his behalfe, that they should send 
StaU" unto him the Interpreter ; they straight-wayes commanded 
cerenmte. him to goe. And the Governour said unto him that he 
should advise the Fathers and the rest of his companions, 
that if they would talke and treate of such businesse as 
they came for, that it must be done with the same cere- 
monie and respect, as the Nobles of that Province doe, 
use to talke with him, which is upon their knees (as 
afterwards they did see many times used) if not that they 
should depart unto the House whereas they were lodged, 
and there to tarrie the order that should be sent from 
the Vice-roy of Aucheo. 




The Spaniards were of divers judgements^ striving 
amongst themselves a good while, but yet in conclusion, 
the Religious Fathers, whom the Governour of the Hands 
had ordayned and sent as principals in this matter, and 
whose judgement they should follow, said, that they 
ought to accept the condition, seeing that by no other 
meanes they could not come unto that they pretended : 
and not to leave it off for matters of small importance, 
for that therein they make no offence unto God, and 
it may be a meane unto the converting of that mightie 

When that the Insuanto understood that the Spaniards 
would enter with the reverence accustomed, and in such 
order as was declared unto them, hee straight-wayes 
commanded that they should come into the Hall whereas 
hee was, they entred into another HaU as bigge as the 
first: whereas were many Souldiers with their weapons 
in their hands in very good order, and richly apparelled, 
and next unto them were many Tipstaves and Sergeants^ 
with different Ensignes or Badges, all apparelled with 
long Robes of silke, gardcd and embroydered with Gold, 
and every one of them had a Helme on his head, some 
erf" silver and other some of Tinne gilt over, which was a 
gallant thing to see : all had long haire and died yellow, 
which hung downe behind their eares upon their backes : 
they were placed in very good order, and made a lane 
that the Spaniards might passe thorough : then they came 
into a Gallerie, which was joyning unto the Chamber 
where the Governour was, and there they heard such a 
noyse of Instruments of divers sorts, which endureth a [III. ii. 297.] 
good while, and was of so great melodie, that it seemed 
unto them that they never before heard the like : which 
caused unto them great admiration to see so great Great 
Majestie amongst Gentiks. When the Musicke was Majesty. 
ended, they entred into the Hall aforesaid, and had 
not gone many steps, when as they met with the G>un* 
aaikr that met with them in the street afore-said, and 
with him other two of his companions all on foot and 




bare-headed before the Governour, and their Ensignes 
of Majestie left off: which is generally used in all the 
Kingdome, the inferiour to make any shew when that 
he is before his Superiour. Then they made signes unto 
The Insuantos them for to kneele downe, for that the Insuanto was nigh 
person and at hand in a rich Towre, under a Canopie of great Riches, 
entertaynment ^^^ jj^ represent so great Majestie as the King himselfe : 
hee did entertayne them with tokens of great love, and 
humanitie, and told them by their Interpreter, that they 
were very well welcome, and that hee did greatly rejoyce 
to see them, with many other words of great fiivour. 
This Governour was a man of goodly person, well 
favoured, and of a merry countenance, more then any 
that they had seene in all that Countrey. Hee caused 
to bee put upon the shoulders of the Fathers and of the 
Souldiers that were with him, every one of them two 
pieces of silke, which was crossed about them like Skarfes, 
and likewise to either of them a branch of silver : the 
like courtesie he did unto the Captaine Omoncon, and 
unto Sinsay, and commanded to give unto all their 
Servants every one of them a Mantle of Cotton painted. 
This being done, the Fathers did give unto him the 
Letters which they carried from the Governour and 
Generall of the field, and a note of the Present that was 
sent him: craving pardon for that it was so small, but 
time and oportunitie would not serve as then to send 
unto him a thing of greater price and valour : certifying 
him, that if the fi-iendship which they pretended did goe 
forwards, and come to be established, that then all things 
■•■\i should be amended and amplified. Hee answered unto 
their proffers with words of great favour, and made signes 
unto them to arise, and to goe and take their rests there, 
whereas they were lodged : the which they did, and found 
all things in very good order and well furnished, as well 
of Beds as of all other necessaries, which was done by the 
commandement of the Governour. Before they departed 
out of the Palace the Captaine of the guard did carrie 
them unto his Lodging, which was within the Court, and 



there he made them a Banquet with Conserves, and Fruits 
in abundance: the which being done, hee and other 
Gentlemen of the Palace did beare them company until 
they came to their Lodgings, which they greatly desired, 
for that they were wearie of their Journey, and also with 
the trouble of the great presse of people that pressed on 
them in the streets, & otherwise for to see them: the 
which Captaine of the guard did appoint a Company 
of Souldiers for to guard them both night and day, the 
which was done more for Majestie then for necessitie or 
securitie of their persons. They had a Steward appointed 
to provide them and all their company of all things neces- 
sary, and that in abundance, and not to take of them any 
thing, which was given by particular commandement by 
the Governour. 

The next day, many of the Gentlemen of the Citie did 
goe unto the Spaniards to visit them, and such as could 
not goe themselves did send their Servants, bidding them 
welcome. The Spaniards did make answere, and gratified 
them all, in the which visitation they spent all the whole 
day, having great admiration to see the good behaviour, 
nurture, and gallant demeanour of those Gentlemen, and 
the great discretion they had in the demanding of any 
thing they would know as also in their Answeres made 
to our requests. The next day the Insuanto sent a com- 
mandement wherein he willed the two Fathers to remayne 
in their Lodgings and take their ease: but the two 
Souldiers Pedro Sarmiento, and Miguel de Loarcha, should 
come and speake with him, and that they should bring 
with them their Interpreter, for that hee had one there 
with him who was a Chino, and understood the Language 
of the Philippinas, but so badly, that they could not by his 
Interpretation talke of any matter of importance. So 
when they came thither, they were brought whereas he 
was, but with lesse ceremonie, he requested them to 
declare unto him the whole circumstance of the comming 
of Limahon the Rover, unto the Hands, and how the 
%)aniards dealt with him: that although he had beene 




informed particularly in all things, by the Captaine Omon- 
con and Sinsay, yet he was in a jealousie that they told 
him not the truth. Hee was nothing deceived in that he 
suspected, for after that our Souldiers had made a true 
Relation of the comming of the Rover unto Manilla, and 
of all the rest, hee found that they differed very much, 
the one from the other, for that they did attribute it 

Vaine glory, wholly unto themselves to get honour and benefit: but 
the Insuanto like a wise man straight-ways understood 
their pretence. But when that he perceived that Limahon 
was neither dead nor Prisoner, but onely besieged, he 
offered unto them that if they would returne againe unto 
Pagansinan upon him whereas he was, he would give 
unto them five hundred ships of warre, with people 
sufficient to serve both by Sea and Land, and more if 
they would request. They answered him, that all such 
cost and labour were but in vaine, for that the Generall 
of the field who hath him in siege, with the people and 
ships that he hath are sufficient to end that Enterprize, 

Boasting. and to send him hither alive or dead, and that long before 
that their fleet should come thither. And besides this, 
their Hands were poore of victuals, and could not sustaine 
so great an Armie many dayes. Beeing satisfied with 
these reasons, he gave place that the Interpreter which 

[III. iL 298.] they brought should come in where as they were, for he 
remayned at the doore without, for that hee would bee 
fully certified to avoid the suspitious doubt he had before 
he come in presence, yet he did helpe them very much. 
So when their Interpreter was come in, the Spaniards 
seeing good occasion and oportunitie for to declare that 

Mortified which passed the day before, betwixt them and the Fathers, 

Friers. touching the spealang unto him on their knees: and 

seeing, as it seemed unto them, that he was at that time 
in a good mind for to heare them, they did utter unto 
him all the whole contention (after that they had declared 
many reasons of great consideration, to give them to 
understand that it was not convenient to doe it, but 
especially to religious men, who were there as principals 



over the rest, unto whom the King of Spaine (their Lord) 
himselfe doth stand on foot, when as they doe intreate 
of any matter, although it be but of small importance : 
for that they are Priests and Ministers of God, whom he 
doth worship and reverence. 

The Insuanto with a merry countenance did answere 
them, that unto that time hee understood no more of 
them, then in that he was informed by the Captaine 
Omoncon, and did not acknowledge them to bee any 
other but Castillas; without knowing wherefore they 
came, nor from whom, for lacke of the Letters sent 
from their Governour, and Generall of the field, the first 
time that hee spake with them: neither had hee any 
knowledge of the custome of their Countrey : yet not- 
withstanding, that which hath passed heere, without any 
exception of person, if they would take it in good part, 
in that which is to come shall be amended: and from 
that day forwards, at all times whensoever it were their 
pleasure to come of themselves, or at such time as they 
were sent for, for to talke with them as they doe use 
in Castilla or Spaine, unto such of their dignitie and 
vocation, the which hee granted with a very good will : 
although hee would not grant unto any that pre-eminence, 
no not unto a Vice-roy, except he were an Ambassador 
sent from some King. 

The next day, the Governour called a Gentleman of 
his House unto him, and commanded him to go and 
visit the Spaniards, and to informe himselfe of them 
if that they lacked any thing. And also that he should 
in his name invite them for the next day following to 
dine with him in his House. This Gentleman went unto 
them and accomplished his message: and the Spaniards 
answered, kissing his hand for the great care he had of 
them: they were carryed into a Hall that was below in 
the second Court, whereas were many Chaires of Velvet 
and Tables that were painted with their frontals before. Spaniards 
In the first Chaires they caused the Friers to sit downe, feasted. 
every one at a Table by himselfe, and each of them other Tabk-riu. 


a;d. purchas his pilgrimes 


sixe Tables, placed in order, compassing round like a 

Circle : then were the Spanish Souldiers set in the same 
manner, and each of them had five Tables, and next 
unto them the Captaine of the guard belonging unto 
the Governour, and two other Giptaines : and every one 
of them had three Tables. For that it is the custome 
of that Countrey to make a difference in the aualitie 
of the guests, by the number of the Tables, All these 
were placed in circle or compasse (as aforesaid) that they 
might see one another. In the midst betwixt them there 
A Comedy li was a round compasse, whereas was represented a Comedie 
other sports, ^j^j^ much pastime, and indured all the Dinner time, 
and a good while after. There was also great store of 
very good and excellent Musicke, accompanied with gallant 
voyces, also Jesters with Puppets, and other things of great 
7 he Viands, pastime, to drive the time away. On the first Table was 
set to every one of the guests, little Baskets wrought with 
Gold and Silver wyre, full of sweet meates made of Sugar, 
as March-panes, Castles, Pitchers, Pots, Dishes, D(^ges, 
Buls, Elephants, and other things very curious, and all 
gilt: besides this there were many Dishes full of flesh, 
as Capons, Hennes, Geese, Teales, Gamons of Bacon, 
pieces of Beefe, and other sorts of flesh wherewith all 
the Tables were replenished, saving that whereat they 
did sit to dine, which was replenished with victuals that 
was dressed (for all the other was raw) and was of so great 
abundance, that there was at times more tlien fiftie dishes, 
and they were served with great curiositie. They had 
Wine of divers sorts, and or that which they doe make 
in that Countrey of the Palm-tree, but of so great exccl- 
lencie, that they found no lacke of that which was made 
of Grapes. The Dinner endured foure hours, in so 

food order that it might have beene given unto any 
Wnce in the World. 
Their Servants and Slaves that they brought with them 
at the same time, did dine in another Hall nigh unto the 
same, with so great abundance as their Masters. When 
Dinner was done, the Governour commanded the people 



to come unto him, with whom hee did talke and common 
with great friendship, and good conversation, and would 
not consent that they should kneele downe, neither to 
be bare headed. So after that he had made unto them 
tokens of friendship, and detayned them a while, in 
demanding of many things, lastly, he told them that 
there was an order come from the Vice-roy of Aucheo, 
that they should goe thither with great speed. So hee 
tooke his leave of us with great friendship and courtesie. 
At their going forth out of the Hall, they found the 
Captaine that did dine with them, and with him many 
other Gentlemen that tarried their comming for to beare 
them company unto their Lodging: going before them 
many Servants, that did carrie the raw meate, that was 
upon the other Tables over and above that which they 
did eate on, the which was done for great Majestie, and 
a Ceremonie very much used in that Kingdome, so many 
times as they doe make any Banquet. 

When they came unto their Lodging they found that [III. ii. 299.] 
the Insuanto had sent them a very good Present, in the 
which was for every one of them foure pieces of silke, and 
counting chists with other things, and certayne painted 
Mantles for the Servants and Slaves. After they had 
taken their leave of the Captaines and Gentlemen that 
did beare them company home, they beganne with great 
joy to put all things in order for their Journey the next 
day following. 

THe next day in the morning, before that the Spaniards 
were stirring, there was within the House all things 
necessary for their Journey, as well of Litter chaires, as of 
Horses and Men for to carrie them, and their stufFe, the 
which they did with so good a will (as aforesaid) that they 
did fell out and strive amongst themselves, who should 
be the first that should receive their burthen. So all 
things beeing in good order, they departed, having in 
their company the same Captaine and Souldiers, that unto 
that time had beene their guard, untill they came unto 




Auchio. the Citie of Aucheo, whereas the Vice-rroy was. This day 

by reason they understood that they should depart, the 
prease and multitude of the people was so great, that 
although they had Tip-staves before them, to beate the 
people away and to make roome, yet was it almost night 
before they could get out of the Citie : so that they were 
constrained to remaine in a Towne there hard by all that 
night, whereas by the commandement of the Governour 
they were very well lodged, and their Supper made readie 
in very good order, as it was in seven dayes together, till 
such time as they came unto Aucheo, without taking for 
the same, or for any other thing necessarie for their 
sustentation, any price or value. There went continually 
before them a Post with a provision from the Governour, 
written in a great board wherein was declared who they 
were, and from whence they came, and commanding that 
there should be provided for them all things necessarie 
in abundance, upon the Kings cost, which was the occasion 
that so much people came for to see them, that in the high- 
waies they were many times disturbed with great trouble, 
the third day they came imto a Citie which was called 
Me^ a great Megoa, which was sometimes the head government, the 
Citie sfoyUd ^j^Jch ^^s of forty thousand housholds, out a great part 
^ apan en. ^y^^^^^f ^^g dispeopled : the occasion thereof they told 
us (and was) that about thirtie yeares past, the Japones, 
who brought for their Guides three Chinois, came upon 
Stratagem. (j^^t Citie (to revenge themselves of an injurie that was 
done unto them) the which they put in execution with so 
great -secrecie and policie, that they made themselves Lords 
of the Citie without any danger or hurt unto themselves : 
for that fiftie Japones, men fit for that purpose, did apparell 
themselves in Chinois apparell without being knowne, and 
came unto a Gate of the Citie, whereas the Souldiers that 
had the charge thereof were void of all suspition. And 
within a little while after that, followed two thousand that 
did dis-imbarke themselves in a secret and unknowne 
place, and came in verv secret order, because they would 
not be discovered, and did beset that gate of the Citie, 




whereas their companions were, which they sent before : 
who so soone as they saw them nigh at hand, drew out 
their weapons, the which they carried hid under their 
apparell, & set upon the Soldiers (that were void of fearc 
and unarmed) with so great furie and force, that they 
being amazed were easily slain, so that they were Lords 
of the Gate, whereas they left very good guard, and 
followed their victorie, and made themselves Lords of the 
Citie, without any danger unto their persons, and did 
possesse the same certaine daies, and did sacke the same 
in spite of them all, with great harme and losse unto the 
Inhabitants thereof, untill such time as the Vice-roy of 
Aucheo did levie an Armie together of threescore and 
ten thousand men, but they seeing that they could not 
defend themselves against so many, in one night they 
left the Citie and went unto their ships, whereas they had 
left them in very good order, and carried with them the 
spoile of the Citie, leaving it beaten downe. 

So soone as they came thither, the Friers remayned in 
their Lodgings, but Pedro Sarmiento and Miguel de 
Loarcha went to visit the Governour, using the Spanish 
courtesie with him : and he received them with great joy 
and courtesie. After they had taken their leave and 
returned unto their Lodgings, the Governour sent to visit 
them El Tyu, who is the ancientest of his Councell. At 
their departure from this Citie, travelling towards Aucheo, 
they passed over a mightie great River, by a Bridge all ^dmlrabk 
made of stone : the goodliest and greatest that ever they '^' Mdge, 
had seene, whose greatnesse did cause wonderfull admira- 
tion, so that they stayed and did measure it from one end 
to another, that it might be put amongst the wonders of 
that Countrey, which they tooke a note of. They found 
that it was one thousand and three hundred foot long, and 
that the least stone wherewith it was built, was of seven- 
teene foot, and many of two and twentie foot long, and 
eight foote broad, and seemed unto them a thing impos- 
sible to bee brought thither by mans art, for that all round 
about so farre as they could see, was plaine ground without 




any Mountaines: by which they judged them to be 
brought from farre. When they were passed that Bridge, 
they travelled all the rest of the day till night upon a 
Cawsie that was very broad and plaine, and on both sides 
many Victualling Houses, and the fields sowed with Rice, 
wheate, and other Seeds : and so full of people as in the 
streets of a good Towne or Citie. 

After they had travelled more then halfe a league in 
Suhurbs of the Suburbs of the Citie of Aucheo, they met with a Post 
Auchio. that came from the Vice-roy: who brought order that 

[III. ii. 300.] they should remayne in a house that was appointed for 
them in the sayd Suburbes. So soone as they were 
alighted, there came a Gentleman to visite them, sent 
from the Vice-roy to bid them welcome, and to know how 
they did with their journey, and also to see that they were 
well provided for that night, of all things necessarie, and 
that in abundance. After this Gentleman, came other 
Captaynes to visite them, and brought with them great 
store of Conserves, Wine and Fruit : which is a common 
custome amongst them, when that they goe in the like 
visitation, and it is carryed by their servants in little 
Baskets very curiously wrought, or else in Barrels made 
of earth all gilt. Within two houres after their comming 
thither, there came another messenger from the Vice-roy, 
with many men laden with Capons, Hennes, Geese, Teales, 
gamons of Bacon, and Conserves of divers sorts, and of 
great abundance, sufficient for one hundred men to suppe 
that night, and for their dinner the next day. The next 
day in the morning very earely, there came much people 
unto their lodging, sent by the Vice-roy, and brought with 
them two rich Chayres, for to carrie the Fathers in, and 
the Curtaines tyed up, that they might the better bee 
seene, and for their companions very good Horses, sadled 
after the fashion which they doe use. They foorthwith 
made haste for to depart, and although they made great 
speed, yet were they a good houre and a halfe, before they 
could come unto the gates of the Citie, and seemed unto 
them that they had travelled two leagues in the Suburbes : 



well peopled, faire houses, and many shops full of 

Before they came unto the Gates, they passed a mightie 
River three times over Bridges, that were great and very 
fiiire, and the River so deepe, that great Ships came up 
the same, but their mastes stooping downe, to passe under 
the bridges. This Citie is the head Citie of all the Pro- 
vince, verie rich and fertile, and many Townes belonging 
unto it, and but eight leagues from the Sea. They had 
no leasure to tell the Souldiers, but they saw that from 
the Gate untill they came unto the Vice-royes Palace on 
both sides, which was a good way, to bee full of them, and 
all richly apparelled and of one colour. The people that 
were at the windowes and in the street, betwixt the houses 
and the Souldiers were so great a number, that it seemed 
to be doomes day, and that all the people in the world 
were there joyned together in that street. When they 
came unto the Palace which was two houres after day, the Palace open 
Gentlemen that were their guides, did cause the Spaniards ^^^^ ^ '^y- 
to enter into a roome which was hard by, till such time 
as the Gate was open, for that it is open but once a day, 
and so continue no longer time then the audience endureth, 
which is done by the Vice-roy once every day, and that is 
but a small time. But first, before he doth enter into 
audience, there is shot off foure peeces of Artillerie, with State. 
a great noyse of Trumpets, Drums and Waytes. And 
there is no day that passeth without audience, as our people 
did see by experience so long as they were there, and were 
likewise informed of others. The houre being come, and 
the ceremonie done as aforesayd, the Gates were opened, 
and there was in the Court many Souldiers, apparelled in 
the same liverie that those were of in the street. From 
the midst amongst them came foorth a Gentleman, who 
was as it was told them, the Captayne of the guard of the 
Vice-roy, who came with great gravitie and authoritie, 
towards the place whereas our people were, and after they 
had saluted the one the other, hee made signes unto them, 
that they should goe towards the gates of the Palace. 

XII 193 N 



When they were within the first Court, which was great 
and wrought with mightie pillars, there was a great 
number ofSouldiers, and many Sergeants, that entred into 
another great court, and mounted up a payre of stayres 
that was on the one side, whereas all the people were with 
great silence, saving the Captayne of the guard, who went 
with our people till they came to the gates of the Hall, 
where was the Vice-roy, at which gate hee stayed with his 
head discovered, and made signes unto ours that they 
should doe the like. 
Cenmonie. Then straight-wayes came foorth of the Hall a man 
apparelled in a long Robe, of good personage, and asked 
of the Spaniards, if they would speake with the Vice-roy, 
and they answered, yea : then asked hee againe from 
whom they came, and by whom they were sent, they 
answered, that they were sent by the Governour of Philip- 
pinas, who was servant unto the mightiest King in all 
Christendome. When he had this answer, he returned 
againe into the Hall, and within a little while after he 
came foorth, and bad them come in, but gave them to 
understand, that in entring into the hall whereas the Vice- 
roy was, that they should kneele downe, and talke with 
him in that order, till hee commanded to the contrarie, if 
they would use this Ceremonie, that then they should 
come in, if not, that they should returne backe againe. 
They sayd, that they would observe the order given unto 
them. Therewith hee went in, who seemed to bee the 
Master of ceremonies, making a signe that they should 
follow after him, and doe that which hee willed them to 
doe. At the entring in at the doore, they stayed a little, 
and then kneeled downe right over against there whereas 
Fice-royes the Vice-roy sate, in a Cnayre very high like unto a 
state. Throne, with a Table before him, and was in so darke a 

place that almost they could not see his face very well. On 
the one side of him, there were some like unto Heralds 
of Armes, with Scepters in their hands, and on the other 
side, two men of a gallant comlinesse armed with Corslets, 
made of scales of Gold downe to the calfe of their legges, 



with Bowes in their hands of gold, and Quivers at their 
backs of the same. Both the one and the other were upon 
their knees. There was upon the Table before him, paper 
and all things necessarie to write : which is an ordinarie 
use amongst them at all times, when there is any publike 
audience, and on the one side of the board a Lion made 
of blacke wood, which was (as after they understood) the 
Armes of that Province. So straight-wayes hee made 
signes unto them to draw neere, which they did, and 
kneeled downe a little from the Table which was whereas 
the Master of Ceremonies did will them. In this sort 
they began to talke with him by their Interpreter, and told 
them the occasion of their comming into that Citie and 
Kingdome, and from whom and unto whom they were 
sent. But hee made signes unto them that they should 
arise, the which they did with a very good will, and did 
persever in their intent. But the Vice-roy did cut them 
off before they could make an end, and asked if they had 
brought any Letter from their King, unto the King his 
Lord, whom they would goe to see and talke with : but 
when they answered no, hee straight-wayes tooke his leave 
of them, saying, that they were welcome, and that they 
should depart unto their lodgings and to take their ease, 
for that afterwards they should have occasion to declare 
their mindes unto him, and hee would give them their 
answer, for that the King was farre off, and it requireth a 
long time to come whereas hee is, but he would write 
unto him, and according unto his commandement, he 
would make them answer. And therewith hee tooke the 
Letter, and the memoriall of the present, and commanded 
in his presence, to put about the neckes of the Friars in 
manner of a scarfe, to either of them sixe pieces of Silke, 
and unto the Soldiers their companions, and unto 
Omoncon, and Sinsay, each of them foure pieces, and to 
every one of their servants two a piece, and to give unto 
the two Friars and the Souldiers, Omoncon, and Sinsay, 
every one of them two branches of Silver. 

With the Silke about their neckes, and with the 




[III. ii. 301.] 

Lions tie 
Armes of that 
Province^ per- 
haps this 
Pinto f who 
mistooke them 
{seeing them 
common on 
pillarsy lie.) 
to be the Kings 
Armes f which 
were but of 
some places. 



branches in their hands/ they returned out of the Hall 
and downe the stayres the way they came, and so through 
the court into the streets, from whence they saw them shut 
the Court gate with so great a noyse, as when they did 
open it- From thence at the request of Omoncon, and 

Toto€. Sinsay, they went unto the house of Totoc, who is the 
Captayne generall of all the men of Warre, and unto the 

Cagnltoc. house of Cagnitoc, who is the chiefe Standard-bearer: 
their houses were nigh the one the other, very feire and 
great. They found them with as great Majestie as the 
Vice-roy, and in the same order, with a Table before them, 
and had on each side of them armed Souldiers, kneeling 
on their knees. Yet did they not use our men with the 
courtesie that the Vice-roy used, to cause them to stand 
up, which was the occasion, that straight-wayes they made 
a show that they would depart and bee gone, complaining 
of Omoncon, and Sinsay, for that they did carrie them 
thither, and told them with anger, that the Governour of 
Manilla, did intreat them in a different sort, who was 
there resident for the mightiest Prince in all the world, 
and they but easie Merchants, neither was their going 
thither to bee equalled, unto the benefite that they came 
thither for. This discontent the which they received, was 
the occasion that they would not goe to make any more 
visitations, although the sayd Omoncon, and Sinsay, for 
their owne interest, would have carryed them to the houses 
of other Officers, and Gentlemen of the Court. 

At their comming thither, they found all their stufFe in 
good order, and their dinner marveilous well provided, 
and the whole house hanged and trimmed, as though it 
had beene for the Kings owne person, with many wayting 
men and Souldiers, those which did guard them both day 
and night, and hanging at the doore two tables or boards 
(commanded by the Vice-roy) whereon was written who 
they were, that were there lodged, and from whence they 
came, and wherefore, and that none whosoever, should bee 
so hardie as to offer them any wrong or disturbance, upon 
payne to bee for the same offence severely punished. In 



this house they were more in quiet, then in any other 
place, whereas they had beene, neither did the people give 
them so much trouble, by reason of the great care which 
the Judges had in putting order for the same, by the 
commandement of the Vice-roy, yet was it the greatest Reports of 
Towne and most populed, of all that Province (although Fequln^ catted 
in other Provinces there bee that be much bigger) and is ^-^^^^'» ^{^^ 
affirmed that the Citie of Taybin or Suntiem, (there 2^i,J»> * 
whereas the King and his Court is resident) hath three i^anchh^ or 
hundred thousand housholds, and yet there is a bigger Nanquin, See 
Citie in the Kingdome caUed Lanchin. R'^^^- 

This Citie of Aucheo, hath a very faire and strong Wall Aucheo 
made of stone, which is five fiithom high, and foure fathom ^^^rlbed. 
broad, the which was measured many times by our people, 
for that they had a gate out of their lodging that did open 
to the same. This wall is all covered over with tyles to 
defend the rayne-water for hurting of it, which could not 
to the contrarie but receive damage, for that there is no 
lyme used in the whole wall. They have not one Castle 
in all this Citie, neither is there any used in all that King- 
dome, for all their force and strength is in their Gates, 
the which bee made very strong, with a double wall, within 
very broad, betwixt the which are continually many 
Souldiers, such as doe keepe watch and ward both day and 
night. Upon these gates they have much Ordnance, but Ordnancebad. 
very ill wrought. The whole wall is full of battlements, 
and thereon written the names of such Souldiers as are 
bound to repayre thither in the time of necessitie. At 
every hundred paces they have lodgings, the which are 
very huge and great : there whereas in the time of neces- 
sitie doe remayne and dwell their Captaynes, so long as [III. ii. 302.] 
their troubles doe indure, all the wall is fortified with two 
great motes or ditches, the one within and the other with- The Citie 
out, the which they doe fill at all times when they please, double moted, 
by sluces which they have from the River for the same 
purpose, and doe serve of water almost all the houses in 
the Citie, whereas they have their stanges for the most part 
full of Fish. This mightie Citie is situated in a great 







playne, and compassed round about with mightic Rockes 
and MountaineSj which is the occasion that it is not so 
healthfull, and the Inhabitants say, that it is by reason of 
the Mountaines, and many times it is over-flowen in the 
winter, by spring-tydes n-om the River. And in that 
yeere that this doth happen, it doth destroy and ruinate a 
great part of the Citie, as it was at that time when our 
people did see it, for that in the winter before they were 
troubled with these great tydes, which did them much 

The next day after that our people came into the Citie, 
the Vice-roy did send to invite them to dinner to his owne 
house, whereas he made them a great banquet in the forme 
following. At their comming unto the Palace there came 
forth a great number of Gentlemen, servants unto the 
Vice-roy, to bid them welcome, with great store of musicke 
and tokens of mirth. Being entred into the first Court, 
they brought them into a mightie Hall that was marvel- 
lously weU trimmed, wherein was a great number of 
Tables set in such order, as they were in the banquet that 
was made them by the Governour of Chincheo, (as hath 
beene told you) although the number and furniture did 
farre excell the other. But before they did sit downe, 
there came unto them two Captaynes principall men, unto 
whom the Vice-roy had committed the charge of the 
banquet, to doe all things in his name, for that it is a 
custome in that Kingdome, that Noble men must not be 
present in their banquets they make. So the charge was 
given unto them, to make them be merrie, & to bid his 
ghests welcome. When they came unto them they used 
great courtesie, and passed away the time in gallant dis- 
courses, till it was time to go to dinner, and that they 
began to bring in their victuals. Then before they did 
sit downe, the Captaynes did take each of them a cup in 
his hand, in manner of a Sorlue, as they doe use, and 
being full of Wine, they went together whereas they might 
Idolatrous rite discover the Heaven and offered it unto the Sunne, and 
unto the Saints of heaven, adding thereunto many words 


to the Sunne. 


of prayers : but principally they did request that the com- 
ming of their new ghests might be profitable unto them 
all, and that the friendship which they did pretend to 
establish, might be for good both unto the one and to the 
other. This their prayer being done, they did spill out 
the Wine making a great courtesie, then were they 
straight-wayes filled againe, and making reverence unto 
their ghests every one by himselfe, they set the Cups 
downe upon the Tables whereas the Fathers should dine, 
whereas they were set everie one by himselfe. This being 
done, the first service was set upon the boards, and the 
Captaynes were set at other Tables. The time which the 
banquet indured (which was very late) there was great 
store of musicke of divers Instruments, as of Vials, 
Citterns, and Rebuckes, and with them many Jesters did 
make them merrie at their dinner. The which being done, 
the sayd Captayns did beare their ghests companie out of 
the Palace, whereas they did anew invite them to dinner 
for the next day, in the same Hall: they obeying their 
request did come, whereas was made unto them a banquet 
more notable than the first. This day at the banquet was 
present the Totoc. In this second banquet they had as the 
day before, very much musicke, and a Comedie that 
indured long> with many prettie and merrie jests : there 
was also a Tumbler, who did his feates very artificially, as 
well in vauting in the ayre, as upon a stafFe that two men 
did hold on their shoulders. Before the Comedie did 
begin, by their Interpreter the signification thereof was 
told them, that the better they might content themselves 
in the conceiving. 

The next day they sent the present, and those who 
carryed it in, did afterward give our people to understand 
that in opening the present, there was a note thereof taken 
before a Notarie, and straight-wayes put in againe where 
it was taken out, before the sayd Notarie and other 
witnesses, the which being done, hee sealed it up, and sent 
it unto the Citie of Taybin, unto the King and his 
Counsell, for that they have a rigorous Law in that King- 





Taybin or 
called^ either 
by reason of 

languages: or 
because they 
^ve appeUa- 
Ave names {as 
the Tartars 
call the same 
Citie Cam- 
baluy that isy 
the Royall 
Citie) thereto. 



dome, that doth prohibite aU such as have any office of 
Government, to receive any present of what qualitie soever 
it bee, without licence of the King or of his Counsell. 
This is conformable unto that, which the Governour of 
Chincheo did in the presence of our people. 

The next day following the Vice-roy did send to visite 
them, and to aske of them a Sword, a Harquebusse and a 
Flaske : for that hee would cause others to bee made by 
them, the which they did send, and afterwards understood, 
that they had counterfeited the same, although not in so 
perfect manner. 

Then after a time our people seeing, that their being in 

that Citie seemed to be long and like to be longer, uiey 

did procure to drive away the time in the best manner 

they could, and went abroad into the Citie, and did by 

either of them that which they thought best. Whereof 

jiU things they found great abundance, and of so small price, that 

goodcheape, they bought it almost for nothing. They bought many 

Bookes tnat did intreat of divers matters, which they 

brought with them to the Hands. The next day they 

went to see the Gates of the Citie, and all such curious 

things as were to bee seene, so farre as they could learne 

or understand, which were many. But amongst them all, 

III. Idols in they saw a sumptuous Temple of their Idols, in whose 

one ChappeU. chiefe Chappell they counted, one hundred and eleven 

[III. ii. 303.] Idols, besides a great number more that were in other 

particuler Chappels, all were of carved worke, very well 

proportioned and gilded : but in especiall three of them 

that were placed in the midst of all the rest, the one had 

Three headed three heads proceeding out of one bodie, the one looking 

Image. qjj xht Other in full race, the second was the forme of a 

A woman with Woman with a Child in her armes, the third of a Man 

apparelled after the forme and fashion, that the Christians 

doe paynt the Apostles. Of all the rest some had foure 

armes, and some had sixe, and other eight, and other some 

marvellous deformed monsters. Before them they had 

burning Lamps, and many sweet perfumes and smels, but 

in especiall, before the three above specified. 





But when that the Vice-roy did understand, that our VUe-n^a 
people did goe viewing the Citie gates and Temples (and j^^^'"^- 
perceiveth that they that gave him the notice did suspect 
it, that it was to some ill intent) therewith hee straight- 
wayes commanded, that they should not goe forth of 
their lodging, without his licence: and likewise com- 
manded the Captayne that was their guard not to 
consent thereunto, as he had done, and likewise that none 
should Carrie them any thing for to sell, for he that did 
it should be punished with whipping. Yet notwithstand- 
ing, they had every day very sufficient necessaries for their 
personages in such ample wise, that there did always 
remayne, and not lacke. In this closenesse and keeping 
in, they suffered many dayes with much sadnesse, and 
oppressed with melancholicke humours, to see that their 
purpose wherefore they went thither seemed to be long, 
and every day was worse and worse. Yet notwithstand- 
ing they did passe it over in the best wise they could, in 
committing it with heartie zeale unto God, for whose 
honour and glory they did attempt that voyage, and 
prayed unto him for to moove their hearts to consent, that 
the religious Fathers might remayne in that Countrey, for 
to learne the language (as they had begun many dayes 
before) by which meanes their soules might be saved, and 
clearely delivered from the tyrannie of the Devill, who of 
truth had them in possession. So after many dayes, that 
they had remayned in that close estate, as aforesayd, they 
determined for to goe and talke with the Vice-roy, and to 
bee fully resolved, either to tarrie or returne from whence 
they came, but were not permitted. 

In this order they remayned in the Citie certayne dayes, 
and for to conclude, either to stay there, or depart the 
Kingdome, they were resolute, and determined to write a 
Letter unto the Vice-roy. They could finde none that 
would write this letter for them, although they would 
have payed them very well for their paines. Till in the 
end, by great request and prayings, the Captayne 
Omoncon did write it for them, and straight-wayes 



Ampin. departed unto the Citie of Ampin, that was not farre oflF, 

to put away the suspition they might conceive, that hee 
did write the letter, if that peradventure the Vice-roy 
would take it in ill part. Their letter being written, they 
People in great found great difficultie in sending the same, for that there 
subjection. ^^s none that would carrie it, neither would they consent, 
that our men should enter into the Palace to deliver it. 
But in conclusion, what with requests and gifts, they per- 
swaded their Captayne of their guard to carrie it, who did 
deliver the same unto the Vice-roy, in name of the 
Castillos, saying, that he tooke it of them to bring it unto 
him, for that they did certifie him, that it was a thing that 
did import very much. Having read the letter, he 
answered, that he would give the King to understand 
thereof, as hee said at the first time. And in that, touch- 
ing the Friars remaining in that Countrey to preach, at 
that time he could make them no answer, for that in such 
matters, it was first requisite to have the good-will of the 
Royall Counsell. Yet would hee make answer unto the 
Letter they brought from the Governour of Manilla, and 
that they might depart, and returne againe at such time as 
they brought Limahon prisoner or dead, the which being 
done, then shall the friendship be concluded which they 
doe pretend, and to remayne and preach at their wiU. 
With this answer they remayned without aU hope to 
remaine there, and did incontinent prepare themselves for 
to depart from Manilla, and bought many bookes to carrie 
with them, wherein was comprehended all the secrets of 
that Kingdome. By reason whereof, they might give 
large notice unto the royaU Majestie of King Philip. The 
which being understood by the Vice-roy, who had set 
spyes to watch their doings, he did send them word that 
they should not trouble themselves in the buying of 
bookes, for that he would give them freely, all such bookes 
as they would desire to have: the which afterwards hee 
did not accomplish. 

In the meane time that they stayed in this Citie, 
amongst all other things that they understood, to drive 



away the time was one, it was given them to understand 
that in one of the Prisons, there was a Portugall prisoner, APortugall 
who was taken in a ship of the Japones, with others of Z^'^^''- 
his Nation, who were all dead in the Prison, and none left 
alive but hee alone. Our people being very desirous for 
to see him, and to learne of him some secrets of that 
Countrey, for that hee had beene there a great while, they 
did procure to talke with him, asking licence of the 
supreame Judge and Lieutenant unto the Vice-roy, who 
did not onely refuse to grant it them, but did make 
diligent inquirie who they were, that did give them to 
unoerstand thereof, for to punish them. 

Upon a sodaine there came newes unto the Citie, that 
the Rover Limahon, was upon the coast of Chincheo, 
using his old accustomed cruelties, and how that he had 
spoyled and robbed a Towne upon the sea coast. This 
newes was throughout all the Citie, and appeared to bee 
true, touching the effect of the deed : yet false touching the [HI. ii. 304. 
person, for tnat the Rover was called Taocay, an enemie, TatKaj 
and contrarie unto Limahon: but a friend unto Vinto- ^^o^^P^rai 
quian, of whom wee have spoken of. But thereupon the n^ahon ^' 
Vice-roy, and all of the Citie, were conformable in the 
suspition that they had received, which was that our people Suspition of 
were come into that Kingdome upon some evill pretence, ^^'^^• 
and to see the secrets thereof, to some evill end, which was 
the occasion that from that time forwards, they shewed 
them not so good countenance as they did before. These 
newes was not so soone come, but straight-wayes the Vice- 
roy did send for Omoncon, (who was then returned from 
his visiting) and Sinsay, unto whom he had done courtesie, 
and given them the tytle of Loytias and Captaynes, and 
hee did reprehend them very sharpely for that they had 
brought over people thither, and sayd, that they had told 
him a lye, in saying that Limahon was besieged, in such 
sort that hee could not escape, neither had the Castillos 
burnt his Ships, and that all was but a made matter 
amongst themselves, and how that the Captives which 
they brought, and sayd that they had taken from Limahon, 




they had robbed from other places, and sayd that the 
Spaniards, were spyes that came to discover the secrets, 
and strength of the Kingdome, and that they had brought 
them thither, by force of gifts that they had given them. 
They answered him with great humilitie, in saying, that 
in ail that which they had sayd they did speake the truth, 
and that it should appeare at such time, as the newes of 
the Rover should bee better knowne, the which if it shall 
appeare to be contrarie, they were there readie for to suflFer 
whatsoever punishment that should bee given them. The 
Vice-roy being somewhat satisfied with this their justi- 
fication, bad them to depart, remitting all things unto time 
for the true declaration thereof. Then Omoncon, and 
Sinsay, came straight-wayes to give the Spaniards to 
understand of all that had passed with the Vice-roy, and 
what they understood of him, which caused in them so 
great feare, that for the time which it indured (which was 
still such time as they understood the truth as aforesayd) 
they payed very well for their feasts and banquets the 
which they had made them. All this happened in the 
OmoHcott and time that Omoncon, and Sinsay, were at variance, and spake many injurious words the one of the other, dis- 
vartance. covering their intents and devises, whereby it plainely 
appeared, that in all that which they had told unto the 
Vice-roy, they lyed, but in especiall Omoncon. Sinsay 
did dissemble, for hee sayd and told unto all people, that 
by his order and industrie, our people did fire the Ships of 
Limahon, and besieged him, with other speeches in the 
like sort, yet twentie dayes before his comming thither, all 
was ended and done as appeared. The occasion of their 
enmitie and falling out, was for that the Vice-roy had 
given unto Omoncon, a tytle and charge of more honour, 
then unto Sinsay, having made betwixt them a consort, 
that the reward or dignitie should bee equally divided 
betwixt them, and that the one should speake of the other 
the best they could, because the Vice-roy should doe them 
friendship. This condition and consort (as appeareth) was 
evill performed by Omoncon, being addicted unto selfe- 



love, and seemed unto him that Sinsay, did not deserve 
so much as hee did, for that he was a base man, and of 
the Sea, and hee of the more nobilitie, and had the office 
of a Captayne. 

With this griefe and care remayned the Spaniards 
certaine dayes kept close in their lodgings, and 
were not visited so often as they were when they first 
came thither, which did augment very much their feare, 
till such time as they understood, that the Vice-roy either 
of his owne good-will, or else by some particular order 
from the King and his Counsell, had called together all 
the Governours of that Province of Aucheo, to mtreat of 
matters touching Limahon, as also in particular, why and 
wherefore the Spaniards came thither, and to resolve them- 
selves wholly in all things requisite for the same. So 
when that they were all come together, which was in a Generall 
short time, and amongst them the Governour of Chincheo, ^^»'«^^^^"^- 
who by another name was called Insuanto, they had parti- 
cular meetings together with the Vice-roy, in the which 
they were all agreed to have a generall meeting, whereunto 
should bee called the Castillos, and to demand of them 
in publike audience, the cause of their comming and being 
heard, to give them their answer according as they had 
determined: for the which upon a day appointed they 
met all together (but not the Vice-roy) in the house of the 
Cagontoc, and commanded to come before the Castillos, 
who did accomplish their request with a great good-will, 
for that they understood that they were called to entreat of 
their matter, either to tarrie or depart. So when they came 
thither, they were commanded to enter into a mightie 
Hall, whereas they were all set in verie rich Chayres with 
great gravitie and majestie. The Insuanto seemed to bee 
the chiefest amongst them, but whether it was for that 
hee was the principallest next unto the Vice-roy (or as it 
was told them) for that it was hee that sent Omoncon, in 
the chase of the Rover Limahon, they knew not, but so 
soone as they were entred into the Hall, they were com- 




manded to draw nigh, there, whereas they were all placed, 

without bidding them to sit downe, neither did they use 
any particular circumstances or courtesie. The Insuanto 
tooke upon him the charge, and demanded of the 
Spaniards (by meanes of the Interpreters) what was the 
occasion of their comming into that Countrey. The 
Spaniards answered as they thought : and supposed, that 
at that time it could not bee, but that Limahon was either 
[III. ii. 305.] taken prisoner or slaine. Then did the Insuanto conclude 
his speech, in saying unto them that they should returne 
unto their owne Countrey to the Hands, and at such time 
as they did bring Limahon, they would conclude all things 
touchmg the friendship they requested, and also for the 
"* Preaching of the Gospell. 

So from that day forwards, they did procure with all 

haste for to depart, and gave the Vice-roy to understand 

thereof, who answered them and sayd, that they should 

comfort themselves and receive joy and pleasure, and that 

hee would dispatch them, so soone as the Visitor of that 

Province was come to Aucheo, which would bee within 

ten dayes, for that hee had written unto him, that he 

should not dispatch them untill his comming, for that he 

would see them. From that day forwards, he commanded 

Neto-moone that sometimes they should let them goe foorth abroad to 

Musters. recreate themselves, and that they should shew unto them 

some particular pleasure or friendship. So one of them 

was carryed to see the Mustering of their men of warre, 

which they have in a common custome throughout all 

the Kingdome, to doe it the first day of the New-moone, 

and is sure a thing to bee scene: and they doe it in the 

field which is joyning unto the walls of the Citie, in this 

manner following. There were joyned together little 

more or lesse then twentie thousand Souldiers, Pike-men 

Their and Harquebusse shot, who were so expert, that at the 

actwttieythetr sound of the Drum or Trumpet, they straight-wayes put 

hearts are themselves in battle aray, and at another sound in a 

sajd to be squadron, and at another the shot doe divide themselves 

naught. from the rest, and discharge their Pieces with very gallant 



1 575. 
and good order, and with a trice put themselves againe 
into their places or standings : this being done, the Pike- 
men came foorth and gave the assault all together, with so 
good order and consort, that it seemed unto the Spaniards, 
that they did exceed all the warlike orders used in all the 
world : and if it were so, that their stomacks and hardi- 
nesse were equall unto their dexteritie, and number of 
people, it were an easie thing for them to conquer the 
dominion of all the world. If it so chance, that any 
Souldier should lacke in his Office, and not repayre to his 
place appointed, hee is straight-wayes punished very SouUien are 
cruelly, which is the occasion, that every one of them hath punished, 
a care unto his charge. This their Muster indured foure 
houres, and it was certified unto the Spaniards, that the 
same day and houre it is done in all Cities and Townes, / 
throughout the whole Kingdome, although they are with- 
out suspection of enemies. 

Five and twentie dayes after that the Insuanto had given 
the resolute answer unto the Spaniards, came the Visitor 
thither : and the whole Citie went foorth to receive him, 
who entred in with so great Majestic, that if they had not Fisitors 
knowne who hee was, they could not have beene per- ^^rance in 
swaded, but that he had beene the King. The next day ^^^^^' 
following, the Spaniards went to visite him, for duties 
sake, as also for that hee had a desire to see them. They 
found him in his lodging, where he began to make 
visitation of the Citie. In their Courts were an infinite Manner of his 
number of people, which came thither with Petitions and Courts. 
complaynts, but in the Halls within, there was none but 
his Servants and Sergeants. When that any came for to 
present his Petition, the Porter that was at the entrie 
made a great noyse, in manner of an O est, for that it was 
a good way from the place whereas the Visitor did sit, 
then commeth foorth straight-wayes one of his Pages, and 
taketh the Petition, and carryeth it unto him. At this 
time it was told him how that the Castillas were there: 
hee commanded that they should enter, and talked with 
them a few words, but with great courtesie, and all was 





touching the Imprisonment of Limahon, without making 
any mention of their departure or tarrying. So after a 
while that hee had beheld them and their apparell, he tooke 
his leave of them, saying, that by reason of the great 
businesse hee had in that visitation, he could not shew 
them any courtesie, neither to understand of them what 
their request and desire was, but gave them great thankes 
for their courtesie shewed, in tlut they would come to 
visite him. 

Three dayes after the Visitor was come thither, the 
Insuanto departed for his owne house, with order that 
with all speed possible, hee should ordayne Ships wherein 
the Castillas should returne unto the Philippinas. Like- 
wise the same day, all those that were there assembled by 
the order of the Vice-roy, departed unto their owne 
houses. And the Spaniards were commanded for to stay 
untill the full of the Moone, which should bee the 
twentieth of August, and that day they should take their 
leave of them : for on that day amongst them, it is holden 
for good to begin any thing whatsoever. Wherein they 
SupersHim. doe use great superstition, and doe make many banquets, 
as upon New-yeeres day. 

The day before the departure of the Spaniards, there 
came some in behalfe of the Vice-roy to invite them, and 
made them banquet in the order and fashion as at the first : 
although this (for that it was at their departure) was more 
sumptuous, wherein was represented a Comedie, which 
was very excellent and good, whose argument was first 
declared unto them. All the which they did represent so 
naturally, and with so good apparell and personages, that 
it seemed a thing to passe in Act. There was not in this 
banquet the Vice-roy, but those Captaynes which were 
there the first time: and another Captayne, unto whom 
was given the charge to bring the Spaniards unto Manilla, 
who was called Chautalay, a principall Captayne of that 
Province. When the banquet was ended, they were 
carryed with great companie from the Hall whereas the 
banquet was made, unto the house of the Cogontoc, who 




was the Kings Treasurer, & dwelt there hard by, of whom Treasurer, 
they were marvellously well received with loving words [ni.ii.306 
and great courtesie : in saying that he hoped very shortly 
to see them againe, at such time as they shall returne 
with Limahon, and that as then their friendship should be 
fiiDy concluded, and would intreat with them in particular 
of other matters. This being done, he gave unto them 
a Present for to carrie unto the Governour of Manilla in 
recompence of that which was sent unto the Vice-roy : the 
Present was forty pieces of Silke and twentie pieces of Presents, 
Burato, a Litter Chaire and gilt, and two Quitasoles of 
Silke, and a Horse. Likewise hee sent the like Present 
unto the Generall of the field, and to either of them a 
Letter in particular : these things were put in Chists which 
were very faire and gilt. Besides this he gave other forty 
pieces of Silke of all colours for to bee parted amongst the 
Captaines and other Officers that were at the siege of 
Limahon, with three hundred blacke Mantles and as many 
Quitasoles to be parted amongst the Souldiers. Besides To keepe 
all these, he gave unto the Friers each of them eight pieces ^^ ^^^ ^*^ 
of Silke, and unto the Souldiers their companions foure 
pieces of each of them, and to every one his Horse and a 
Quitasol of Silke ; their Horses were very good to travell 
by the way. This being done, the Cogonroc tooke his 
leave of them, and willed them to goe and take leave and 
licence of the Vice-roy and the Visitor, that they might 
depart, for that all things were in a readinesse for their 
Voyage : the which commandement they did straight- 
wayes accomplish, being very well content and satisfied of 
the great favours and courtesies, the which they received 
both of the one and the other: Likewise of the Tococ, 
or Captaine Generall, whom they also did visit and tooke 
their leave. 

The Spaniards departed from the Citie of Aucheo, upon 
a Tuesday, beeing the three and twentieth of August in 
the sight of all the people of the Citie, who came forth to 
see them with so great presse and throng, as they did when 
they first came thither into the Countrey : they were all 
xii 209 



carried in Litter Chaires, yea, their very slaves, for that it 
was so commanded by the Vice-roy: the Friers were 
carried by eight men a piece, and the Souldiers by foure 
men a piece, and all their Servants and Slaves were carried 
by two men a piece. Looke so many men as was to carrie 
them, there went so many more to helpe them when they 
waxed wearie, besides foure and twentie that carried their 
StufFe. There went alwayes before them a Harbinger 
for to provide their Lodgings, and with him went a Pay- 
master, whose charge was to ordaine and provide men for 
to carrie their Litter Chaires, and to give them for their 
travell that which is accustomed, and to pay all costs and 
charges spent by the Spaniard. 

After that they departed from Aucheo, they made of 
two dayes Journey one, which was the occasion that they 
came to Chincheo in foure dayes. At their entring into 
the Citie they found a Servant of the Insuanto, with order 
and commandement, that they should proceed forwards 
on their Journey, and not to stay in the Citie, but to goc 
unto the Port of Tansuso, whither he will come the next 
day following. They obeyed his commandement, and 
made so much haste that in two dayes they came unto the 
Village of Tangoa, whereas they had beene before, and 
particular mention made thereof. In the same Village 
they were lodged, well entertayned and had great good 
cheere; from thence they went in one day to Tansuso, 
which was the first Port whereas they did dis-imbarke 
themselves, when as they came from the Hands unto that 
firme Land : the Justice of the Towne did lodge them in 
the same House whereas they were first lodged, and did 
provide for them of all things necessary and needfuU, and 
that in abundance, till the comming of the Insuanto, which 
was within foure dayes after, for that hee could not come 
any sooner (although his desire was) for that it was very 
foule weather. 
Superstition. The third of September, the Insuanto sent and com- 
manded the Spaniards that they should imbark themselves, 
for that it was that day the conjunction of the Moone 


(although at that time the ships were not fully in a readi- 
nesse.) They obeyed his commandement, and the 
Insuanto himselfe went to the water side, in whose 
presence came thither certaine Religious men of their 
manner, and after their fashion they made Sacrifice with 
certaine Prayers, in the which they craved of the Heavens 
to give good and feire weather, and a sure Voyage and 
favourable Seas unto all those that saile in those ships. 
This Ceremony being done (which is a thing very much 
used in that Countrey) the Spaniards went unto the 
Insuanto, who was there with great company and 
Majestie: he entertayned them very friendly and with 
cheerefull words making an outward shew that he bare 
them great love, and that their departure was unto him a 
great griefe. Then he requested them to give him a 
remembrance of such things as was necessary and needfuU Plentlfull 
for their provision for the Sea, for that he would give order protista. 
for the providing of the same, the which hee did, and 
was with so great abundance that they had for the Voyage, 
and remayned a great deale to spare. He then com- 
manded to be brought thither Cates to eate and drinke, 
and gave it them with his owne hands, as well the one as 
the other: he himselfe did eate and drinke with them, 
which is the greatest favour that can be shewed amongst 
them. The Banket being ended, he commanded them 
in his presence to goe aboard their ships, because that was 
a luckie day, and also to accomplish that which the Vice- LuciU daj. 
roy had comanded, which was that he should not depart 
from thence, untill they had first seene them imbarked. 
The Spaniards obeyed the commandement, and tooke their 
leave of the Insuanto, with great courtesie and reverence, 
and with outward shewes that they remayned indebted for 
the great courtesie & good will that they had received : and [III. ii. 307.] 
therwith they departed to the waters side, towards the Boat 
which was tarrying for them. 

As they passed by the Religious men (that before we 
spake of) they saw a great Table set, and upon it a whole 
Oxe with his throat cut, and hard by the same a Hogge 




and a Goate, and other things to be eaten : the which they 
had ordained for to make Sacrifice, which they doe use in 
the like Affaires. 

They being imbarked in the Boate, they were carried 
aboard the Admirall, which was the ship appointed for 
them to goe in : then presently they b^anne to stirre the 
ship, from one place unto another with certaine Boats and 
Cables which they had there readie for the same purpose. 
The ship did not so soone begin to moovc, but the 
Religious men ashoare did begmne their Sacrifice, the 
which did indure untill night, ending their Feasts and 
Triumphs in putting forth of the Citie, and upon their 
Gates many Cressets and Lights. The Souldiers shot oflF 
all their Harquabusses, and the shippes that were in the 
Port shot off all their Artillerie, and on the shoare a great 
noyse of Drummes and Bels : all the which being ended 
and done, the Spaniards went ashoare againe unto their 
Lodging: but first the Insuanto was departed unto his 
owne House, with all the company that he brought 
with him. 
Insuantos The next day the said Insuanto did invite them unto a 

farewellFeast. Banket, which was as famous as any which had beene 
made them unto that time. He was at the Banket him- 
selfe, and the Captaine Generall of all that Province. 
There was abundance of meates and many pretie devises 
to passe away the time, which made the Banket to indure 
more then foure houres : the which being done, there was 
brought forth the Present which the Insuanto did send 
unto the Governour of Manilla in returne of that which 
was sent to him. The Present was fourteene pieces of 
silke for the Governour of Manilla, and ten pieces for the 
Generall of the field : he also commanded to be given 
unto the Friers each of them foure pieces, and unto the 
Souldiers each of them two pieces, and unto their Servants 
and Slaves certaine painted Mantels, and therewith hee 
tooke his leave of them very friendly, and gave unto them 
Letters, the which he had wrote unto the Governour, and 
unto the Generall of the field, answere unto those, the 



which they had wrote unto him, and said that all things 
necessary for their departure was in a readinesse, with 
victuals for tenne moneths put aboard their ships, so that Ten mweths 
when as wind and weather did serve they might depart, provision. 
Also that if in their Voyage it should so fall out, that any 
of the Chinois that went in their ships, should doe unto 
them any evill, either abroad or at the Hands: that the 
Governour thereof should punish them at his pleasure, 
and how that the Vice-roy will thinke well thereof: In 
conclusion, he said unto them, that he hoped to see them 
there againe very shortly, and to retume againe with 
Limahon, and then he would supply the wants which now 
they lacked. The Spaniards did kisse his hands, and said, 
that they had received in courtesie more then they 
deserved, and that in all things, there did abound and 
not lack, that they remained greatly indebted unto him 
for their friendship, and would give their King notice 
thereof, that whensoever occasion should be offered, to 
repay them with the like : and therewith the Insuanto 
departed to his owne House, leaving in the company of 
the Spaniards five Captains, those which should go with 
them in their company to Sea, and also Omoncon and 
Sinsay who were that day in the Banket, with the Habit 
and Ensigne of Loytias, for that the day before it was 
given unto them by the Insuanto. 

Upon Wednesday which was the fourteenth of Septem- 
ber, the wind came faire, wherewith they hoysed up their 
Sayles and went to Sea: at their departure there was at 
the waters side the Insuanto and the Justice of Chincheo 
to see them sayle, they sayled forwards directing their 
course towards a small Hand that was not farre off, with 
determination there to take water for their ships, for that 
it had in it many Rivers of very sweet water. Within 
a small space they arrived there, and it had a very faire and 
sure Port, wherein might ride in securitie a great Navy 
of ships. All Thursday they were there recreating and 
sporting themselves, for that it was a pleasant Hand, and 
full of fresh Rivers. Upon Friday being the sixteenth 





of September, the day being somewhat spent, they made 
saile and tooke Port foure leagues from that place in 

Lauk. another Hand called Laiilo, for to put themselves in a 

new course, different and contrary unto that which they 
tooke when they came unto that Kingdome, for that the 
Chinois had by experience proved, that in those monethes 

Monsons. the winds were more favourable then in other monethes, 
and for the most part North and North-east winds: all 
that night they remained in that Hand, and the next day 
following they sayled unto another Hand which was called 

Chautubo. Chautubo, not farre distant from that of Laulo. This 
Hand was full of little Townes, one of them was called 

GauHn. Gautin, which had five Forts of Towers made of Lime 

and stone, very thicke and strongly wrought : they were 
all foure square, and sixe fathome high, and were made 
of purpose for to receive into them all the people of those 
little Townes, to defend themselves from Rovers and 
Theeves that daily come on that Coast. 

They very much noted, that although this Hand were 
rockie and sandie, yet was it tilled and sowed full of Rice, 
Wheate, and other Seeds and Graine. There was in it 
great store of Kine and Horse, and thev understood that 
they were governed, not by one particular man, to whom 
they were subject, neither by any other amongst them- 
selves, nor of China, but in common : yet notwithstanding 
they lived in great peace and quietnesse, for that every 

[III. ii. 308.] one did content himselfe with his owne. Upon Sunday 
in the afternoone they departed from this Hand, and sayled 
their course all that night, at the next morning they 

Corchu. arrived at another Hand, called Corchu, which was twentie 

leagues from the Port of Tansuso, from whence they 
departed. The Spaniards seeing what leisure they tooke 
in this their Voyage, they requested the Captaines to com- 
mand the Mariners that they should not enter into so 
many Ports or Harbours. The Captaines answered, and 
requested them to have patience, for that in making their 
Journies as they did, they doe accomplish and follow the 
order set downe by the Vice-roy and Insuanto, the Chinois 


Kine and 



are very fearefiill of the Sea, and men that are not accus- 
tomed to ingulfe themselves too farre, neither to passe 
any stormes. 

Neere unto this Hand there was another somewhat 
bigger, which is called Ancon, wholly dispeopled and Ancon. 
without any dwellers, yet a better Countrey and more 
profitable for to sow and reape then that of Corchu. The 
Spaniards being at an Anchor there, understood by the 
Chinois that in times past it was very well inhabited, unto 
the which arrived a great Fleet belonging to the King 
of China, and by a great storme were all cast away upon 
the same: the which losse and destruction being under- 
stood by another Gcnerall that had the Guard of that 
Coast, suspecting that the dwellers thereof had done that 
slaughter, hce came to the shoare and slue many of the 
Inhabitants, and carried all the rest in their ships unto 
the firme Land, who afterwards would never returne 
thither againe, although they gave them licence after that 
they understood the truth of that.successe: so that unto 
that time it remained dispeopled, and fiill of wilde 
Swine, of the brood that remained there at such 
time as they were slaine and carried away as you have 

This Hand and the rest adjoyning thereunto (which are 
very many) have very excellent and sure Ports and 
Havens, with great store of fish. These Hands endured 
untill they came unto a little Gulfe, which is five and fortie A straight, 
leagues over, and is sayled in one day, and at the end 
thereof is the Port of Cabite, which is neere unto Manilla. 
So when that winde and weather served their turne, fhey 
departed from the Hand of Ancon, and sailed till they 
came unto another Hand called Plon, where they under- 
stood by a ship that was there a fishing, how that the 
Rover Limahon was escaped in certaine Barkes, which he 
caused to bee made very secretly within his Fort, of such 
Timber and Boards as remained of his ships that were 
burnt, the which was brought in by night by his Souldiers, 
on that side of the Fort which was next unto the River, 




and were not discovered by the Castillas, which were put 

there with all care and diligence to keepe the mouth that 
come in to helpe them. And towards the Land there 
whereas he might escape, they were without all suspection 
(they were so strong) and did not mistrust that any such 
thing should be put in ure, as afterwards did fall out, the 
which was executed with so great policie and craft, that 
when they came to understand it, the Rover was cleane 
gone, and in safeguard, calking his Barkes at the Hand 
of Tocaotican, the better for to escape and save himselfe, 
and they said, that it was but eight dayes past that he 
fled. With this newes they all received great alteration, 
but in especiall Omoncon and Sinsay. 

After they had remained three weeks in that Harbour 

detayned with a mighty North-wind, that never calmed 

night nor day in aU that time. The eleventh day of 

October two houres before day, they set sayle and went 

to Sea. Sixteene leagues from the Port, sailing towards 

the South, they discovered a mightie Hand very high 

Land, which was called Tangarruan, and was of three 

score leagues about, all inhabited with people like unto 

those of the Hands Philippinas. Upon Sunday in the 

From the morning being the seventeenth day of October, they dis- 

Philippinas to covered the Hand of Manilla, or them greatly desired, 

the China ^^^ sayled towards the Hand that they so long desired to 

leagues. ^^^> ^^^ Q2XM, thither the twentie eight day of October, as 

aforesaid. So that from the Port otTansuso, which is the 

first Port of China, till they came unto the Hand of 

Manilla, they were five and fortie dayes, and is not in 

all fill two hundred leagues, which may be made with 

reasonable weather in ten dayes at the most. 

I could have here added two other Voyages of Fran- 
ciscans, to China, the one by Peter de Alfaro, and other 
three of his Order, 1579. the other 1582. by Ignatio, &c. 
both written at large by Mendoza. But I hasten to our 
Jesuites exacter Relations. Only I will conclude this 
Storie with Alfaros returne from China to the Philippinas ; 
and his Relation of their Witch-crafts used in a Tempest 



then happening : after that two Letters mentioning Eng- 
lish ships on that Coast. 

But it so fell out, as they were going alongst the Coast 
of the Hand for to enter into the Port of Manilla, and 
being within five leagues of the entry thereof, upon a 
sudden there arose the North-wind with so great fiirie, and A Tempest, 
caused so great a Sea, that they found themselves in a 
great deale more danger then in the other storme past, 
in such sort that they sponed before the winde with their 
fore-sayle halfe Mast high, shaking it selfe all to pieces, 
and in every minute of an houre readie to be drowned. 
The Chinois for that they are Superstitious and Witches, 
beganne to invocate and call upon the Devill, for to bring 
them out of that trouble (which is a thing commonly used 
amongst them, at all times when they find themselves in 
the like perplexitie) also they doe request of him to shew 
them what they should do to bring themselves out of 
trouble. But when the Spaniards understood their deal- 
ings, they did disturbe them that they should not persever [III. ii. 309.] 
in their Lots and Invocations, and beganne to conjure the Conjuring 
Devils, which was the occasion that they would not against con- 
answere unto the Invocation of the Chinois, who did call J^^''^' 
them after divers manners, yet they heard a Devill say, 
that they should not blame them because they did not 
answere unto their demand, for they could not doe it for 
that they were disturbed by the conjuration of those 
Spanish Fathers, which they carried with them in their 

So presently when the night was come, God was so 
pleased that the storme ceased, and became in few houres 
very calme, although it endured but a while, for as they 
began to set sayle to navigate towards the Port, and almost 
at the point to enter into the same, a new storme seized 
on them, and with so great force, that they were con- 
strayned to returne unto the Sea, for feare to bee broken 
in pieces upon the shoare. The Chinos began anew to 
invocate the Devils by writing, which is a way that they invocation by 
never let but doe answere them, as they did at this instant, writing. 




and were not disturbed by the conjurations of the Fathers, 
yet notwithstanding they lyed in their answer, for that 
they said, that within three dayes they should be within 
the Citie of Manilla, and after it was more then foure 

In conclusion, having by the favour of almightie God 
overcome all their travels by the Sea, and the necessitie 
of the lacke of water and victuals, they arrived at the 
desired Port the second day of February, Anno 1580. 
whereas they were received by the Governour, and of all 
the rest with great joy, &c. 

Two Letters taken out of Bartolome Leonardo De 
Argensola his Treatise, called Conquista de las 
Islas Malucas, Printed at Madrid, 1609, pagg. 
336. 337. mentioning the comming of two 
English ships to China: which seeme to bee 
*8eesup./.s. two ships of the fleet of ^Benjamin Wood: 
c. I. §. 2. The former written by the Visitor of Chincheo 

in China, unto the Governor of the Philippinas, 
Don Pedro De Acunna. 

IJbundthts 'THO the grand Captaine of Luzon. Because wee have 

translau mth JL understood, that the Chineses, which went to trade 

Master H. ^^^ trafficke into the Kingdome of Luzon, have beene 

slaine by the Spaniards, wee have made inquisition of 

the cause of these slaughters, and have besought the King 

to doe justice on him, that hath beene the cause of so 

great mischiefe, to procure a remedie for the time to come, 

and that the Merchants may live in peace and safety. In 

the yeeres past, before I came hither to be Visitour, a 

Tioneg. certaine Sangley, called Tioneg, with three Mandarines or 

Judges having the Kings Passe, came to Cabit in Luzon, 

to seeke Gold and Silver : which was all lyes : because he 

found neither Gold nor Silver. And therefore I besought 

the King, that he would punish this deceiver Tioneg, that 

the gooQ justice that is used in China might be knowne. 



c. 1601. 

In the time of the former Vice-roy, and Capado, Tioneg 
and his companion Yanlion delivered this untruth. I 
afterward besought the King, that hee would cause all 
the Papers of the cause of Tioneg to be coppied out, and 
that he would send for the said Tioneg with his processes 
before himselfe : And I my selfe saw the said Papers, and 
caused it to appeare that all was but lyes which the said 
Tioneg had said. I wrote unto the Kmg, saying. That 
by reason of the lyes which Tioneg had made, the Cas- 
tillians suspected that wee sought to make warre upon 
them : and that therefore they had slayne above thirtie 3o<poo 
thousand Chineses in Luzon. The King did that which ^^!^^f\ 
I besought him. And so he chastised the said Yanlion, ^plJ^ppi^^as 
commanding him to bee put to death. And hee com- 
manded Tionegs head to be cut off, and to be put in a 
Cage. The people of China which were slayne in Luzon, 
were in no fault. And I with others negotiated this busi- 
nesse with the King, that I might know his pleasure in 
this affaire : and in another matter, which was this : That 
there came two English ships to these coasts of Chincheo ; Two Engftsh 
a thing very dangerous for China : That the King might ^^(?^ on the 
consider what was to bee done in these two matters of ^'^ . 
so great importance. Likewise wee wrote unto the King, china. 
that he would command the two Sangleys to be punished, JeakusU of 
which shewed the Haven to the Englishmen. And after Strangers. 
wee had written these things aforesaid to the King, he 
answered us that wee should learne, wherefore the English 
ships came unto China .^ whether they came to robbe or 
no r That they should dispatch fr-om thence a Messenger 
immediatly to Luzon : and that they should signifie to 
them of Luzon, that they should not give credite to the 
base and lying people of China : And that forthwith they 
should put to death those two Sangleyes, which shewed Danger of 
the Haven to the Englishmen. And touching the rest bringing ships 
that wee wrote unto him, wee should doe as wee thought ^^ ^^^^ 
best. After wee had received this order, the Vice-roy, 
the Capado, and I sent this message to the Governour of 
Luzon : That his Lordship might know the greatnesse of 



c. 1601. 

C^na the King of China. Seeing hee is so mightie, that hee 

ambition. governeth all that the Moone and Sunne doe shine upon. 

And also that the Governour of Luzon may know the 

great wisedome wherewith this mighty Kingdome is 

governed. Which Kingdome this long while none durst 

Jafonian attempt to offend. And albeit the Japonians have pre- 

attempt, tended to disquiet Corea, which is under the Government 

Corea is under ^f China: yet they could not obtayne their purpose: but 

^' they were driven out of it : And Corea hath remayned in 

great peace and safety, as at this day they of Luzon doe 

well understand. 

[III. 11,3 10.) The Answer of Don Pedro De Acunna, Gover- 
nour of the Philippinas, to the Visitour of 
Chincheo in China. 

THe Governour answered these Letters by the same 
Messengers that brought them : using termes full of 
courtesie and authoritie. Jriee rehearsed the rebellion of 
the Sangleyes, from the beginning: Hee justified the 
defense of the Spaniards, and the punishment that was 
executed upon the Offenders. Hee said, that no Com- 
mon-wealth can be governed without chastising the bad, 
nor without rewarding the good. And therefore that he 
did not repent him of that execution : because it was done 
for repressing of them that thought to destroy us. That 
the Visitour should bee Judge, what hee would doe, if the 
like case should happen in China. That the griefe that 
he had was, that he could not save certaine Sangleyes 
Merchants Anhayes, which died among the offenders : But 
that this was unpossible to be remedied ; because the fiirie 
of warre doth not give leave to kill some, and to save 
others, especially being not knowne of the Souldiers in the 
heate of battell. That using mercy to those that 
remayned alive, condemned them to rowe in the Galleyes : 
which is the punishment, which is ordayned among the 
Castillians for those that have deserved death. Yet if it 
seeme in China that it ought to be moderated, hee would 



c. 1601. 
grant them libertic. But let it be considered, said Don 
Pedro, that this may be a cause, that in not chastising so 
great an offence, they piay hereafter fall againe into the 
same. A thing that would shut up all accesse unto fevour. 
That the goods of the Chineses that were slayne are in 
safe custodie. And that it may be seene, that no other 
affection moveth mee then that of justice, I will shortly 
send them to be delivered to the right Heires, or unto 
such persons as of right they belong unto. None other 
respect moveth mee to any of these things, but that of 
reason. Whereas you tell mee. That if I will not set at 
libertie those prisoners, licence will be granted in China 
to the kinsfolke of those which died in the Rebellion, to 
come with an Armie to Manila, it breedeth no feare in 
mee. For I hold the Chineses to be so wise, that they 
will not be moved to such things upon so weake a 
ground : especially none occasion thereof being given 
them on our part. And in case they should be of another 
minde, wee Spaniards are a People which know very well 
how to defend our Right, Religion, and Territories. And 
let not the Chineses thinke, that they are Lords of all the China pride 
World, as they would have us thinke. For wee Castil- fetorteti. 
Hans, which have measured the World with spannes, know 
perfectly the Countreyes of China. Wherefore they shall 
doe well to take knowledge, that the King of Spaine hath 
continuall warres with as mighty Kings as theirs is, and 
doth suppresse them, and putteth them to great troubles. 
And it is no new case, that when our enemies thinke that 
they have vanquished us, they finde us marching and 
destroying the Confines of their Land, and not to cease, 
untill wee have cast them out of their Thrones, and taken 
their Scepters from them. I would be much grieved with 
the change of the commerce : But I beleeve also that the 
Chineses would not willingly lose it, since that thereby 
they obtayne so great profit, carrying to their Kingdome Spanish Slher 
our Silver, which never faileth in trucke of their carried to 
merchandise, which are slight things, and soone worne out. China. 
The ships of the Englishmen, which arrived on the 



c. 1601. 

*The Engnsh 
ships spoken of 
by Spaniards 
according to 
the mutuall 
hostiRtie of 
those times. 


coast of China, it was determined not to receive : because 
they be no Spaniards, but rather* their enemies, and 
Pirats. Wherefore if they come to Manila, they shall be 
punished. Finally, because wee Spaniards doe alwaies 

{'ustifie oiu" causes, and doe boast our selves, that it cannot 
>ee said in the world, that wee usurpe other mens posses- 
sions, nor invade our friends, that shall be fulfilled which 
is here promised. And from hence forward let them know 
in China, that wee never doe anything for feare, nor for 
threats of our enemies. Don Pedro concludeth, offering 
continuance of amitie by new bonds of peace with the 
Kingdomes of China : and that he will set at libertie in 
due time the Prisoners which he held in the Galleyes : 
albeit he thought to use them, as he did, in the voyage of 
Maluco ; which he put in execution with speed. And all 
this he precisely performed. 

Chap. nil. 

The report of a Mahometan Merchant which had 
beene in Cambalu : and the troublesome travell 
of Benedictus Goes, a Portugall Jesuite, from 
Labor to China by land, thorow the Tartars 

Epist. Eman. lr,-(^^~^jJi^~||Erome Xavere a Jesuite, in a Letter from 
Carve/.iS^^. P^^^ f^ Labor in India, subject to the MogoU, 

dated, August, 1598. relateth that an old 
man there knowne to have distributed 
100000. Peeces of Gold at Mecca, 
affirmed to the Prince that he had lived 
Xatai and i^' ~ ^^ss J in Xatai thirteene yeeres, in Xambalu the 
Xambulajfbr chiefe Citie ; that the King thereof was mighty, and had 
Cataiand \^ j^jg Empire one thousand and fiftie Cities, some very 
populous ; that he had often seene the King, with whom 
no man speakes but by a Supplication, nor is answered but 
by an Eunuch. And asked how hee had accesse thither, 
he said, he being a Merchant sustayned also the person 



of the Embassadour of the King of Caygar, and being drfgar. 
detained in the first Citie by the Magistrate, he shewed his [m. 11.311. 
Commission, and Poste was presently sent to the King, 
who returned in a moneth, riding ninety or an hundred 
courses a day, with change of Horses ; bringing him -^ ^^*'''' ^^ 
Letters of admission. Hee said that they punish theeves ^^jj^/1 ^^ 
severely: that these Xaitaians are white, long bearded, sometimes twi 
personable, and comely, therein to be preferred before the miles, 
Rumes or Turkes; in Religion Isavites (Christians, so 
called of Jesus) some Musavites or Jewes, and many 
Mahumetans, insomuch that they hoped to bring the 
Christian King to that Sect. They had (he said to the 
Jesuite in another conference) many Temples, and Images 
painted and graven, and Crucifixes which they with great 
devotion worshipped ; many Priests, much reverenced, 
each having his owne Church ; to whom they offer their 
gifts, they lived single and kept Schooles; one super- 
eminent : at the Kings charge were the Churches built 
and repaired ; they ware blacke clothes, and on Jiolidayes 
red, with Caps like the Jesuites, but greater; many 
Monasteries of both Sexes, and some in their owne houses, 
observing a single life; the Countrey rich, having many 
silver Mines; and that the King had foure hundred 
Elephants, which they said were brought from Malaca, and 
that Merchants resorted thither ; the Voyage sixe moneths. 
Xaverius addeth, that in Caximir he heard of many Chris- 
tians in Rebat, a Kingdome adjoyning to Catai, with 
Churches, Priests, and Bishops. These reports (sayth 
Trigantius) the Saracens made, either of purpose to 
deceive, after their wont ; or were deceived by like shew 
of Holies in Images, Lamps, Altars, Priests vestments. 
Processions, Singings, and the like, which the Devill hath 
imitated among the Chinois like to our (Romish) Rites. 

These reports caused the Jesuites in India to thinke of 
sending one of their Society into those parts. Pimenta 
the Father Visitour sent notice thereof to the Pope, and 
to the King of Spaine, who tooke Order with the Vice-roy 
to be advised herein by Pimenta. Benedictus Goez a 



De Christ, 
expedit. ap, 
Sinas I. 5. c. 
II, 12, 13. 



Saracens not 


brother of that Society and Coadjutor to Xaverius, was 
thought fit for that designe, having the Persian tongue. 
And having come from Echebar (rather of the present 
Mogol) who had lately taken Brampor, with his Le^t, to 
Goa; hee was sent backe to Labor, to accompanie the 
Merchants ; which every fifth yeere, as that Saracen related, 
with title of Legats of the King of Persia, and other 
Easterne Kings (not otherwise admitted) went thither. In 
the yeere therefore 1602. he went to Agra, where Echebar 
applauded his purpose, and gave him foure hundred 
Crownes for his journey, besides a thousand Rupias hee 
had already spent. He changed his habite, and disguised 
himselfe like an Armenian Merchant, and so went to 
Labor, calling himselfe Branda Abedula, whither he came 
on the eight of December. He went to the house of 
John Galisco a Venetian, and there provided himselfe of 
necessaries, wearing his haire and beard long, and Leo 
Grimone a Greeke, well skilled in Turkish and Persian, 
undertaking to be his companion, with Demetrius another 
Greeke, and Isaac an Armenian. Furnished with divers 
writings and a Catalogue of moveable Feasts till An. 
1 610. he set forth An. 1603. ^^e sixth of Januarie from his 
Superiour, and in Lent after from Labor, with the com- 
panie of Merchants which goe from the Mogols to Cascar, 
almost five hundred men, with many Camels and carriages. 
In a moneths journey they came to a Citie called Athec, 
in the Province of Labor ; and after fifteene dayes, passed 
a River a flight shot broad, where they stayed five dayes, 
being told of theeves in great number at hand. Two 
moneths after they came to another Citie called Passaur, 
where they rested twentie dayes. Thence they going to 
another small Towne, met with a certaine Anchorite a 
stranger, by whom they understood that thirtie dayes off 
was a Citie named Capherstam, into which the Saracens are 
not permitted entrance, and if they enter are put to death. 
But Ethnike Merchants are admitted their Citie, yet not 
their Temples. Hee said, that the Inhabitants of that 
Region goe to Church all of them in blacke; their 




Countrey fertile, and plentifiill of Grapes. Hereby Goes 

supposed that they were Christians. In the place where 

they found this stranger, they stayed other twentie dayes. 

And because the way was infested with Theeves they 

received of the Lord of the place a Convoy of foure 

hundred Souldiers. In five and twentie dayes they came 

from hence to a place called Ghideli, all which way their GhidelL 

carriages went at the foot of a Hill. The Merchants with 

Armes on the tops of the Hill made search for Theeves, 

which use to throw stones from thence on the Passengers, 

except thus prevented. In this place the Merchants pay 

Tribute. Being assaulted by Theeves many were Assault of 

wounded, and they had much adoe to save their lives and ^^^^^^• 

goods. Benedict escaped by flight into the Woods. At 

night they came againe together, and avoyded the 

Theeves. After other twentie dayes journey they came to 

Cabul, a Citie and Mart frequent, not yet having passed Cabul. 

the Mogols Dominions. Here they stayed eight dayes : 

for some of the Merchants would goe no further, and 

others durst not, being so few. In this Mart the Sister 

of the King of Cascar, by whose Dominion they were to 

passe to Catay, happened on the Caravan. The Kings 

name was MafFamet Can ; this his Sister was Mother 

to the King of Cotan, and called Agehanem (Age is a title 

fiven by the Saracens to those which have beene on 
ilgrimage at Mecca, whence she now returned.) Being 
destitute of provision for her journey, shee demanded aide 
of the Merchants, promising to restore all faithfully with 
encrease when they were comne to her Kingdome. 

Goes thought it a fit occasion to procure the friendship 
of another King, his Mogoll Patents now wearing out. 
Hee lent her therefore on sale of some goods sixe hundred 
Crownes, refusing any contract of interest, which shee [III. ii. 3 12.] 
bountifully repayed in pieces of Marble much esteemed A kind of 
in China, the best mercnandise for such as goe to Catay. MarbU much 
Leo Grimane the Priest, wearied with the tediousnesse ^q^ ^^ 
of the journey, went no further, and Demetrius stayed in 
this Citie on merchandising affaires. Goes held on with 
XII 225 p 



Paruam the 


border of the 





Samarhan or 


Isaac the Armenian, in the companie of other Merchants, 
which gave likelihood of better securitie. The first Citie 
they came at was called Ciaracar, in which place is great 
store of Iron. Here Goes was not a little troubled, the 
Mogols Seale in these his borders being neglected, which 
all this way hitherto had fr-eed him from payment of 
Customes. Ten dayes after they came to a small Towne, 
called Paruam, the utmost of the Mogoll confines. 

After five dayes stay, they had twentie dayes journey 
over high Mountaines into a Region named Aingharan. 
In fifteene dayes more they came to Calcia. The people 
of this Region hath yellow haire on head and beard like 
the Low-Countreymen,and dwell in divers Villages. Ten 
dayes after, they came to a place called Gialalabath, where 
the Bramanes exact Customes granted them by the King 
Bruarate. After other fifteene dayes they came to Talhan, 
where Civill broiles detayned them a moneth ; the Calcians 
rebelling and endangering the wayes. Hence they passed 
to Cheman. Under Abdulahan King of Samarhan, Bur- 
gavia, and Bacharate, and of other neighbouring Kang- 
domes, is a small Towne, the Captaine whereof sent to 
the Merchants to containe themselves within the walls, 
the Calcians infesting all without. They answered, that 
they would pay their Customes, and pursue their journey 
by night. But hee forbad them, saying, that the Rebels 
had no Horses as yet, which if they could take from the 
Caravan, they would prove more mischievous: much 
better it were, if they would joyne with him to repell 
them. Scarcely were they comne to the walls, when the 
rumour came of the Calcians comming : at which newes 
the Captaine and his ranne away. The Merchants erected 
a sudden fortification of their packes, and carried into the 
same great store of stones to serve their turnes if Arrowes 
failed. The Calcians perceiving that, sent a message to 
the Merchants, that they should feare nothing, for they 
would accompanie and defend them. They durst not 
trust them, but resolved to flee to the next Wood, the 
Theeves taking out of the packes what they pleased, and 




then calling them forth, and permitting them with their 
emptied packes to enter the emptie walls. Benedict lost 
nothing but a Horse, for which also hee after received 
Cotton clothes. They lived within the walls in great 
feare. But at that time a great Captaine, named Olobet 
Ebadascan, sent his Brother out of the Bucharate Region 
to the Rebels, which caused them to permit the Merchants 
to goe freely : in all which journey the Rere was vexed 
with Pilferers. Foure of them set upon Goes, to escape 
whom hee threw amongst them his Persian Turbant, 
whereof they making a foot-ball, hee meane while set 
spurres to his Horse and overtooke his companie. 

Eight dayes after with a tedious passage they came to 
Badascian, called Tengi, which signifieth A troublesome Tensi 
way : for there is space but for one to passe, and that on Badascian, 
the high banke of a great River. The Inhabitants with 
a companie of Souldiers set upon the Merchants, and 
tooke from Goes three Horses, which he after redeemed 
with gifts. Here they stayed ten dayes, and thence in 
one day came to Ciarciunar, where they were five dayes Ciarciunar, 
detayned with raines in the open field, and were besides 
assaulted by Theeves. Ten dayes after they arrived at 
Serpanil, a place quite forsaken. They climbed into a Serpanil, 
high Hill, called Sacrithma, whither the strongest Horses 
were only able to passe, the rest going about. Two of 
Goes his Horses halted, and had much adoe to overtake 
their fellowes. In twentie dayes journey comming to the 
Province Sarcil, they there found many neighbouring SardL 
Villages. After two dayes stay for refreshing, they in 
two dayes more came to the foot of a Hill, termed 
Ciecialith, which they ascended, thicke covered with Snow, Snowle way, 
wherewith many were frozen, and Goes was in great 
danger. For the Snow held them sixe dayes ; after which 
they came to Tangetar, which belongs to the Kingdome Tanghetar, 
of Cascar. There Isaac the Armenian fell from the banke 
of a great River into the water, and was eight houres space 
halfe dead. In fifteene dayes more they attayned the 
Towne Jaconich, such an ill way that Goes lost sixe Jaconuh. 







Horses with the travell. In five dayes he got (hasting 
before the companie) to the chiefe Citie named Hiarchan, 
whence hee provided his companions of necessaries, who 
soone after arrived there in November, 1603. 

Hiarchan the Seat Royall of the Kingdome of Cascar, 
hath great resort of Merchants, and is also well stored 
with variety of merchandise. The Caravan of Cabul here 
ends their Voyage : and fr-om thence to Catay is a new one 
furnished, the Captainship whereof the King selleth at a 
great price, and conferreth on the Captaine Regall power 
over the Merchants thorow all that way. It was a yeeres 
space before they could all bee ready to so long and 
dangerous a journey, which required many persons. 
Neither is it performed every yeere, but by them onely 
which know they shall be admitted into Catay. There is 
no better merchandise (as before is said) then a certaine 
shining Marble, which wee are wont to call Jasper, for 
want of a fitter word ; which the King of Catay buyeth at 
a great price ; and what hee leaveth they may sell to others 
at exceeding rates. Of it they make divers ornaments 
for Vessels, Garments, Girdles, with leaves and flowers 
artificially engraven. The Chinois call it Tusc^; and of 
[III. ii. 3 1 3.] it are two kinds, one more precious which is taken out of 
the River Cotan, not farre from the Citie Royall, in 
manner as the Divers fish for Pearles, and is brought out 
like thicke flints ; the other meaner is digged out of Hils, 
and is sawed into broad stones above two Ells wide, after 
fitted to the Voyage. This Hill is twentie dayes Journey 
from that Citie Royall, and is stiled Cansangui Cascio, that 
is. The stonie Mountayne. They are thence taken with 
incredible labour, both for the desertnesse of the place, 
and the inexorable hardnesse of the Marble, which they 
say is forced with fire made thereon to yeeld : the licence 
also to take it, is deere sold by the King to some one 
Merchant, who purchaseth the Monopoly ; and when they 
goe thither they carrie a yeares provision for the 
Labourers, which in that space returne not. 

Goes visited the King, whose name is Mahamethin, 


King of 



and presented him with a Watch, a Glasse and other 
European Commodities, which made him very welcome. 
Hee would not at first tell him of going to Catay, but 
only spake of the Kingdome of Cialis East-ward from ^^.^^^^ 
thence, and procured his grant thereto, assisted by the 
Sonne of his Sister the Pilgrime Queene before mentioned. 
Sixe moneths passed, and Demetrius one of his old Societie 
which staid at CabuJ, came thither. At that time by the 
Kings License one of the Merchants was stiled Emperour 
as in jest, to whom the other Merchants after the custome 
gave Presents, which Demetrius refusing, was in danger 
to be imprisoned and beaten (for so large is his power) had 
not Benedict interceded and by a girt compounded the 
businesse. Theeves also brake into the House and set- 
ting a Sword to the Armenians brest terrified him from 
crymg ; but our Brother Demetrius hearing, cried out and 
scarred them away. Benedict was gone to the King of 
Quotans Mother for payment of his Debt : his Residence 
was ten dayes Journey thence, so that he spent a moneth 
therein before his returne. In this place the Saracens 
raised a report that he was dead, slaine by their Priests for 
refusing their holies. Now because he dyed intestate, 
they sought to seize on his goods, which was very trouble- 
some to Isaac and Demetrius, both for defence of the 
goods, and losse of their Friend, which redoubled their 
joy at his returne with plentie of that Marble, and hee in 
thankfiilnesse gave much Almes. 

On a day as he was eating with other Saracens, one 
came in armed, and setting his Sword to his brest, charged 
him to invoke * Mahomet. He answered, that in his *To use {as it 
Law there was no such name invoked, and therefore ^^^^'^O ^^^se 
refused: and by the company that mad fellow was ,7^^^'''^^ 
extruded. The like zeale oft endangered him on like Mehumed 
termes of Mahumetan profession. On another day he nsuUalah, the 
was called by the King of Cascar in the presence of his Characuris- 
Cacises, the Priests, & the MuUas or learned men, and ^^^^^^J^ 
asked what Law he professed, whether that of Moses, or p^fisskn!^ 
David, or Mahumet, and which way he turned himselfe in 



*7fl Mecca 



See before in 



Journey and 

the same 


Voyage to 
Catay from 


praying. Hee answered, that hee professed the Law of 
Jesus, whom they call Isai, and turned any way when he 
prayed, beleeving that God was every where : about which 
rose amongst them great controversie, they using to turne 
to the * West : yet they concluded that our Law also 
might seeme good. 

Meane-whiles one Agiasi of that Countrey was named 
Captaine of the future Caravan, who invited our Brother 
to his House (having heard well of him) to a Feast, 
wherein they had Musicke after their manner. At the 
end, hee desired his company to Catay, which he much 
desired, but had learned by experience how to deale with 
the Saracens, and would be intreated, that he might seeme 
to doe, rather then receive, a Favour. The Captaine 
useth the Kings mediation, who desired him to accompany 
the Caravan Bassa, which he accepted upon condition of 
his Letters Patents for all that way. His Cabul com- 
panions were herewith offended, as loth to lose his 
company, and much disswaded him ; but hee made shew 
as though hee were loth herein to displease the King, and 
for his sake had promised the Caravan Bassa, which now 
hee might not revoke. They said that these people were 
perfidious, and would devoure him and his : nor was their 
feare causlesse, for many of the Natives had told them, 
that those three Armenians (so they called all these three 
Christians) as soone as they were out of the walles would 
bee slaine. This terrified Demetrius from going further, 
who also disswaded Goez but in vaine, saymg, he would 
not disappoint the hopes of so many, the Archbishop of 
Goa, and the Vice-roy to lose his expences, but would 
adventure his life in the Designe. 

Hee provided ten Horses for his Carriages, and for his 
fellow, having another at home. The Bassa was gone to 
his house five dayes Journey thence to make all readie, 
and thence sent to Goez to hasten. 

Anno 1604. about the midst of November, they came 
to a place called Jolci, where they use to pay Customes, 
and their Commissions are examined. Hence they went 



to Hancialix Alceghet, to Hagabateth, to Egriar, to Places in the 
Mesetelec, to Thalec, to Horma, to Thoantac, to Min- "'^J'- 
gieda, to Capetalcol Zilan, to Sarc Guebedal, to Cambasci, 
to Aconsersec, to Ciacor, to Acsu : in this way they spent 
five and twentie dayes, the way troublesome, both with 
store of stones or Rockes, and with Sands. Acsu is a 
Towne of the Kingdome of Cascar, the Governour 
whereof was Nephew to the King, then twelve yeares old. 
Hee would needs see Goez, who went and gave him 
childish Presents, Sugar and the like, and was gently enter- 
tayned of him. There being then a solemne dancing 
before him, he requested our Brother to dance, which to Goezdanceth 
satisfie him, he did. 

He visited also his Mother and shewed her his [III. ii.3H-' 
Patent, which was with great reverence admitted : to her 
he gave a Chrystall glasse, a Calico cloth of India, and the 
like. The Childs Governour also, or Protector, which 
swayd the publike Affaires, sent for him. In this way one 
of Goez his Horses fell into a swift River, and escaped to 
the other side ; and came againe of himselfe, the Name of 
Jesus being invoked. 

In this way the Desert is passed called Caracathai, that Caracthai, tht 
is. The blacke Land of the Cathayans, in which they say first place of 
the Catayans stayed long. In this Towne they stayed ^^ J^^rtars 
fifteene dayes for other Merchants, and then departing SeTbeforein 
went to Oitograch Gazo, to Casciani, to Dellai, to Sare- F, Bacm^ 
gabedall, to Ugan, and after to Cucia, a small Towne ^^hr. l^c. 
where they stayed a whole moneth to refresh their beasts, ^^'^'' 
which by the irksomnesse of the wayes, and weight of the 
Marble, and want of Barley were almost spent. Here the 
Priests demanded of Goez, why in their Solemne Fast 
(Lent) he fasted not, and almost forced him in hope of 
some Largesse or Fine. After they were gone hence in 
five and twentie dayes they came to the Citie Cialis, which CiaRs. 
was little, but well fortified. This Countrey was governed 
by a base Sonne of the King of Cascar, who hearing that 
Goez professed another Religion, began to terrifie him, 
saying, it was a bold part for a man of another profession 




to enter those parts : for he might lawfully take from him 
his life and goods. But when he read his Letters Patents 
he was pacified, and with a Present was made also a friend. 
One night disputing about their Law, with the Priests and 
Learned men, he sent for Benedict into the Palace (where- 
upon suspition arose of some ill intent being at so 
unseasonable a time) hee went and being commanded to 
dispute, with force of Arguments silenced the Adversaries. 
The Vice-roy always protected him, approving his Sayings, 
Musu/ma»Sy and Concluding that the Christians were the true Miser- 
tAat //, rigit ^ans, saying, that his Progenitors had professed the same 
e enters. j^^^ After the Disputation hee made him a Banquet, 
and caused him to lye that night in the Palace, so that 
Isaac was weeping at his returne, and almost in despaire 
to see him. In this Citie they stayed three moneths. For 
the Caravan Bassa would not depart without a great com- 
pany (it being so much more game to him) nor suffer any 
man to goe before. Goez wearied with this tedious stay 
and chargeable expence, with a Gift obtayned leave of the 
Viceroy, the Caravan and Captaine being against it. 

He then intended to proceed from Cialis, when the 

Merchants of the former Caravan returned from Catay. 

These faining an Embassage (after their wont) had pierced 

into the Royall Seat of Catay, and having conversed in the 

same Palace of Strangers with our (Jesuites) reported 

Neweso/F. strange and certaine newes of Father Matthew and the 

M. Rictus and Companie, to Goez, who wondred that Catay was become 

^^l/pTr ^h^^^- These Saracens were the same hereafter reported * 

oftii Rictus, ^fj which lived three moneths with ours, and told him 

that the Fathers had presented to the King, Watches, 

Pictures and other European Presents, and were much 

respected in the Palace, or the greatest, and (adding some 

lies) said that they had often spoken with the King. They 

reasonable well painted their faces, but knew not their 

Names names : by reason that after the China manner they had 

changed b;^ the taken Other names. And for further Argument they 

Jesuttes. shewed a Paper written in Portugall, which they had taken 

out of the dust, when the Servant swept the Chamber, to 



shew in their owne Countrey. This cheared Goez hearing 
that Catay was China, and that Pequin the Royall Citie 
was Cambalu. 

The Vice-roy gave him his Letters for securitie, and 
demanding whether he would be inscribed a Christian, he 
answered yea ; for all this way he had comne, called by the 
Name of Isai, and so would hold out to the end. An old 
Saracen Priest hearing this, cast his Cap on the ground, 
applauding his resolute Zeale, saying, that theirs are 
reported to dissemble and alter their Religion with the 
Region. Goez went on with his companion, and a few 
others, and in twentie dayes came to Pucian a Towne of 
the same Kingdome, where the Governour used him 
kindly and amply provided him out of his owne House. 
Thence they proceeded to Turphan, and staid a whole 
moneth in that fortified Citie. Thence they passed to 
Aramuth, and after to Camul, a fortified place where they 
refreshed themselves another moneth, because they were 
well used in all the Kingdome of Cialis, which ends at this 
Towne. From Camul in nine dayes they came to the 
Northerne wals of China, to a place called Chiaicuon, 
where they staid five and twentie dayes for the Answere 
of the Vice-roy of that Province. 

After this they were admitted entrance within the walles, 
and in one day came to Socieu a Citie, where they heard 
much of Pequin, and other names knowne ; so that now 
hee was out of all doubt that Catay and China differed 
only in name. All the way from Cialis to the borders of 
China, is infamous with incursions of the Tartars: and 
therefore Merchants passe these places with great feare, 
searching by day from the Neighbour Hils whether there 
bee any out-rode of Tartars, and if they judge the wayes 
secure they travell by night with silence. In the way they 
found many Saracens miserably slaine, having adventured 
to goe alone : although the Tartars seldome kill the 
Natives, saying, they are their Slaves and Herdsmen, from 
whom they take away their flocks of Sheepe, and Herds of 
Bullocks. They eate no Wheate, Barley, nor Pulse, say- 








The wals of 



Socieu in 



cus tomes in the 




ing, it is food for beasts, not men. They feed only on 

flesh, not sparing Horses, Mules, Camels, and yet are said 

to live one hundred yeares. 

[III. ii. 31 5.] The Saracen Nations bordering on these parts of China, 

might easily by the Chinois bee subdued, as being not 

warlike men, if the Chinois cared to enlarge their 

Dominions. In this way one night Benedict fell from 

his Horse, his company going on and not missing him 

till they came to their Lodging, and then Isaac went backe 

to seeke him and found him by the sound of the Name 

Jesus, almost despairing to see his company any more. 

These walls were built on the West of China, as it 

*mj 200. // trends North-wards, about the space of two hundred * 

^0 Ifee uttiUr- niiles, where the Tartarian out-roads are now lesse 

'wesurnepart dangerous. Against them are builded two fortified Cities 

or perhaps all with choise Garrisons. They have a peculiar Vice-roy 

but so much is and Other Magistrates over them, which are commanded 

naturaUof only from Pequin. In one of these (Canceu in the Pro- 

[rTri^antim ^^^^^ ^^ Scensi) the Vice-roy resideth with other chiefc 

a Dutchman Magistrates. The other (named Soceu) hath a speciall 

might meane Governour, and is distributed into two parts; in one of 

Dutch miles, which the Chinois (whom the Saracens here call Catayans) 

The Map ex' jj^ ^j^^ other the Saracens, have their Habitation, which 

1000. milei^. cont^e from Cascar, and the like Westerne Kingdomes for 

The reports Merchandizing Affaires. Some of them, as the Portugals 

are divers as at Amacao, in the Province of Canton, settle their abodes 

jhm ^<?^^^ and have wives and children, accounted as Native subjects. 

see7tall? and ^^^ those Portugals live according to their owne Lawes, 

what good and have Magistrates of their owne, whereas these 

would 200. Saracens are governed by the Chinois, and every night are 

^^h'^k^h^ shut up by them within their owne Citie, inclosed with 

mJtinfiw' peculiar walls. The Law is, that he which hath stayed 

dayes might there nine yeares, may not returne to his Countrey. The 

passe. Merchants come usually from the West to this Citie, which 

with fayned Embassage, by ancient leagues of seven or 

eight Kingdomes with that of China, have obtayned, that 

every sixth yeare seventie two in name of Legats should 

pay Tribute to the King, that shining Marble, pieces of 



Diamonds, blue colovir and other things ; thence they goe 
to the Court at publike charge, and likewise returne. 
Their Tribute is rather by way of honour or homage then 
any way profitable; for no man payes dearer for this 
Marble then the King himselfe, who esteemes it a dis- 
honour to take any thmg of Strangers for nothing. And 
they are so entertayned at the Kings cost, that all things 
reckoned, they get every day above their necessarie charges 
a Ducket a man. Hence are many ambitious of this 
Embassage and purchase it of the Caravan Bassa (who 
hath the nomination) at great price : at that time counter- 
feiting their Kings Letters, acknowledging vassallage to 
the King of China. The like Embassages the Chinois Divers 
admit from divers Kingdomes, from Cauchin-china, Siam, Embassages 
Leuchieu, Corea, and some of the Tartars Kingdomes, not ^^^^^^fi^^^ 
without incredible expenses of the publike treasure: of 
which fraud the Chinois are not ignorant, but flatter with 
their King, as if all the World paid Tribute unto him, 
when as rather the Chinois in this manner pay Tributes 
to them. 

At the end of the yeere 1605 our Benedict came to 
Soceu, growne wealthy by his long Journey; having 
thirteene Horses, five hired Servants, two Boyes which 
hee bought, and the most precious Marble of the rest, all 
valued at 2500. Duckets. Hee also and Isaac were well 
in health. In this Citie he lighted upon other Saracens 
returned from Pequin, which confirmed the former 
Reports of the Fathers, with other things beyond all Reports of 
measure of Faith, that the King of China paid them ^^^^^^p to 
money daily by a certaine measure and not by weight. ^^^^^S^^- 
Hee writ presently to Father Matthew to Pequin, to 
acquaint him with his comming, and gave the Letters to 
certaine Chinois : but because he knew not the China 
name wherewith Ours were called, and the Region where 
they resided, and writ in European Characters, those 
Chinois could not deliver them. The next yeare at 
Easter, he sent againe by a Saracen Fugitive (for they may 
neither goe in nor out without the Magistrates leave) and 




writ to them of his Voyage and state, desiring them to 
take some course to free him from that Prison, that he 
might returne by Sea into India, the Portugall way. The 
Father had long before learned by Letters from India, of 
this intended Journey, and yeerely expected him, and 
made much enquirie of those counterfeit Embassadors, 
but could not till now heare of him. They were now 
therefore much joyed to read his Letters, which in 
Novem.1606. November following came to their hands, and one was 
presently sent, to bring him by some meanes to Pequin, 
not one of the Societie lest one stranger should hinder 
another, but a Pupill which lately admitted, had not yet 
entred his probation, named John Fernandus a wise young 
man, with a companion, a new Convert, skilled in those 
parts. And if hee could not bring him thence by the 
Magistrates leave or by other Arts, he should stay there 
with him, and write to the Company, who by their friends 
would procure him passage. 

This Journey was unreasonable in the hardest of 

Winter, being almost foure moneths Journey from 

Pequin. Yet would not Father Matthew deferre any 

longer, which if he had done, Goez would have beene 

dead before his comming. Hee and two others of the 

Societie writ to him. Meane-while Goez suffers more 

wrongs of the Saracens in this place then hee had done in 

the way, and was faine to sell his Marble halfe under the 

price for provisions, whence he made 1200. Duckets and 

paid his Debts, and sustained his Family a yeere. Meane- 

Caravan while, the Caravan came with their Captaine, and he with 

:ommeth. entertainments was againe forced to borrow, and because 

hee was chosen into the number of the seventie two, he 

provided him of some Marble pieces, without which had 

beene no going to Pequin. Hee hid one hundred pounds 

in the ground that the Saracens should not know thereof. 

Ferdinandus went from Pequin the eleventh of December, 

III. ii. 3 16.] and his Servant ranne from him at Singhan, the Mother 

SingAan. Citie of the Province of Sciansi, carrying away halfe their 

provision. At the end of March, 1607. ^^ 7^^ made shift 




to get to Soceu, and found Goez lying on his Death-bed, 
who had dreamed that one of our company would come 
thither the next day, and sent Isaac into the Market who 
brought Ferdinandus to him. Having received the 
Letters, he brak into a Nunc dimittis, as seeming to have 
ended his Pilgrimage. Eleven dayes after Goez dyeth, Goezdyeth, 
not without suspition of Poyson from the Saracens. They 
had perpetuall Spies to watch and catch what he left, which 
they did most barbarously execute, and amongst the rest 
his Journall was lost which he had written in very small 
Letters. They sought for it to prevent payment of Debts 
there entred. They would have buried him like a 
Saracen, but Isaac and Ferdinand excluded them and 
buried him, with a recitall of the Rosarie, in defect of 
other Bookes. Thus died Benedict Goez, a man of great 
parts, which had after his admission done great service to 
the Societie (howsoever he was not a Priest) much 
esteemed by the Great MogoU, whom he averted rrom the 
Warre of India. He disswaded before his death that 
Ours should not trust the Saracens, nor adventure this 
way, as unprofitable and dangerous. And although hee 
dyed without Confession in so many yeeres, yet he was 
cheerefuU in the mercie of God, and professed that his 
conscience did not accuse him of matters of any moment. 

By a Tartarian custome they divide the goods of the '^^^^^^^ 
deceased amongst them all, and therefore bound Isaac ^'^^'''• 
threatning to kill him if he turned not Mahumetan ; but 
Ferdinand put up a Supplication to the Vice-roy at 
Canceu, who subscribed that the Governour of Soceu 
should examine the businesse. He first was favourable, 
but corrupted by bribes threatned to whip him, and held 
him in Prison three dayes. But he sold his Garments for 
want of Money, and continued the Suit five moneths, not 
being able at first to conferre with Isaac for want of 
Language. Isaac only uttered a few Portugall words, and 
the Judge had thought they had spoken in the Canton 
Tongue. At last, Ferdinand learned to speake Persian, 
and was able to conferre with him. The Saracens pleaded 




that Ferdinand was a Chinese by his countenance, the 
other a Saracen: hee answered that his Mother was a 
Chinese, whom he resembled. But nothing moved the 
Judge more then that he was an enemy to their Religion, 
and pulling a piece of Porke out of his sleeve, they both 
did eate it; whereupon with laughter of the Assembly, 
the Saracens abhominated both, spitting at the Armenian, 
and leaving the Suit, saying, that the Armenian was 
deluded by the China-coozener. For in all the way to 

Isaacsjoumey. prevent offence, Benedict and Isaac had abstayned from 
Porke. And thus all was by the Judges sentence restored 
to Ferdinand which had beene Benedicts: but nothing 
was found, save Marble pieces which had beene hidden in 
the ground, which was sold, and yeelded to pay their 
Debts and provision for their Journey to Pequin, whither 
both of them came. They brought a faire gilded Crosse- 
Picture and the Charters of three Kings, Cascar, Quotan 
and Cialis, which are reserved at Pequm for a memoriall. 
Isaac related all this Storie to Father Matthew upon credit 
of his memorie, and having stayed a moneth, was sent the 
wonted way to Amacao; where being well entertayned, 
hee in sayling thence to India, was taken by Hollanders, 
and lost both goods and libertie. But the Portugals of 
Malaca redeemed him, and he held on his course to India, 
and hearing of his Wives death, went not to the Mogols 

ChauL Countrey, but staid at Chaul, and is now at the writing 

"^*5' hereof alive. 




Chap. V. 

A Generall Collection and Historicall representa- 
tion of the Jesuites entrance into Japon and 
China, untill their admission in the Royall 
Citie of Nanquin. 

§. I. 

Of Francis Xavier, Melchior Nunnes, Valignanus, 
Ruggerius and Pasius. 

Orasmuch as we have sailed so lately from 
the Philippinas to China, and backe 
againe with our Friers, and have given 
you a Jesuits Land Journey, we thought 
it worthy our labour also to launch into 
the deepe of their Navigations, and to 
honour the Jesuits, (to whom in the 
following parts of this Historie we are so indebted) with 
observ'ing their Observations of Japon, and the inter- 
course thereof with China; and from it (as the greatest 
and most glorious Easterne Jesuiticall Conquest) to ship 
our selves in their Barge to China. How Francis Xavier Ignatius and 
(now Sainted at Rome, together with Ignatius Loiola, first ^^^»«' 
Founder of that Order) laboured the Conversions of '^f'^^^-^ 
Gentiles and Pagans to Christianitie, as in other parts of March 12. 
the Indies, so heere in Japan I willingly acknowledge; 1622. 
yea, so farre am I from envying either him or his Order, [m«"«3>7- 
or any other Order stiled Religious, their Trophees of 
Conversions, that I could wish the Pope seated in Miaco, 
and all the Jesuits, & Friers, yea, all his Jesuited Clergie 
fuUy possessed of the Bonzian CoUedges & Temples in 
Japan ; whence a double good might issue ; to the Ethnikes 
some light in stead of a totall darknesse, a diseased life 
being better then death ; and to Europe, to be lightned of 
their burthen, where professing themselves Lights, they 
prove Lightnings, and raise so manifold combustions. 




And most especially could I wish this honour to my 
Countrey-men the English Jesuites, and Priests, Popish 
Emissaries of whatsoever Order, that they were there 
ordered, or (which fits their ambition better) ordering that 
Easterne World, rather then here disordered and disorder- 
ing, playing the Lords of Mis-rule in the West. The 
very Name of Christ is sweet to mee, even in Japan, yea, 
from a Jesuites mouth, or a Jesuites Convert ; and would 
God they taught them Jesus more, and lesse Jesuitish 
fancies of exchanged worship of Creatures, howsoever 

fjilded with Christian Names, that the Japonians might 
earne to acknowledge Jesus and Maria truly, and not with 
in Captf Saris Names and Images of they know not what, to worship 
his ship. See Venus and her Sonne Cupid, in stead of the Blessed 
to. I. /. 4. Virgin, and that incarnate Blessednesse her blessed Sonne, 
c. I. p. 367. ^jjQ jg QqJ Qygj. ^jj blessed for ever. 

One told Cortes the Mexian Conqueror then speaking 
great words, that there is much difference in conquering 
Neighbours at home, and naked Americans ; I adde, that 
a man may be Christened, and yet farre short of Chris- 
♦5^^ sup. 1. 9. tianitie, (even by Jesuites * testimonies) and that some- 
^onTt^ last ^^^^ more is required to a Christian then Christian Names, 
Chapter of my given in Baptisme to hundreds at once, as some have done 
Pilgrimage, without further instruction. Devotion is rather to be 
prized by weight and worth, then by tale and numbers, as 
happens in their Beades here, and too often in their Con- 
versions there : which were they indeed so much to be 
magnified and gloried in, would aswell prevaile in men of 
2. Cor. 10.4. capacitie to overthrow strong holds and high imaginations, 
as here to worke on our silly women laden with sinnes, 
^^Sm r ^^^ hoping for their Confession-cure ; and there, with sillinesse 
^nsp.p. 14^82! ^^ selfe, or such as Reason turnes Christians because they 
and 586. will not runne madde with their owne to such Monsters 
This Storie as their Bonzi teach them. Themselves confesse, that it 
^^h^M^\ is not much, they can prevaile with Mahumetans anj 
W Chimis '^here ; or here in China : and Ours have found them to 
gifts are best say more then they had done in that little. 
Converters. I should much rejoyce that their Reports were true, and 




was the Indian Standard-bearer to all of that Societie 
(beginning his travell to Lisbon the first yeere of their 
Confirmation 1540.) and now deified or Canonized, and 
invoked by Doctor Schulchenius, Chancellor of Collen his 
Orator, Ignati & Francisce vestris succurrite precibus, &c. 
A Letter of his written from Japon, in November, 1549. 
thus relateth. 

Wee came by Gods grace in August to Japon, on the Letter of 
Feast day of the Assumption of the Virgin Marie, having -^'^^'^'*- 
set foorth from Malaca on Midsommer day. The Master 
of the Ship was a Chinese, which had undertaken that 
oflSce to the Captayne of Malaca, and sayled prosperously 
till the Master altered his minde (as those Barbarians are 
usually inconstant) and lingred long amongst the Hands in 
the way. This troubled us in two respects principally, 
both for the losse of the season which God offered, and 
which being past, wee were compelled to winter on the 
Coast of China ; and againe, because in the same Ship was 
carryed an Idoll of the Devill, to which the Mariners in Deviilioor- 
sight and spight of us, sacrificed after the manner of their ^^'PM ^^ ^^^ 
Countrey. They also by lots demanded answers thereof, ^^^^^' 
touching their Voyage ; which (as they sayd and beleeved) 
were sometimes good, sometimes bad. A hundred 
leagues from Malaca, holding our course to China, wee 
stayed at an Hand, where after many Ceremonies the 
Devill was consulted, what fortune wee should have, who 
answered, very prosperous: Whereupon with great 
alacritie wee set sayle : they worshipped the Idoll placed 
in the poope, with Candles burning and incense of sweet 
Wood ; wee trusted in God the Creator of Heaven and 
Earth, and in his Sonne our Lord Jesus Christ, desiring 
to Carrie his Religion into those parts. When wee were 
under sayle, they demanded of the Devill, whether this 
Ship should returne from Japon to Malaca: the answer 
was made by the lot-casters, that it should goe to Japon, 
but not returne to Malaca ; which made them alter their 
mindes, thinking it better to winter in China, and to 
deferre the voyage to Japon till the next yeere. You may 




the Voyages of English, Dutch, French, yea, the Apostles 
themselves) and they have shaken the Towres of Babylon 
in Europe, where they were strongest (where Antichrist 
hath his Throne, a Conquest more then Indian or 
Apoc. 18. Japonian) and when the Prophesie of Babylons utter ruine 
is fulfilled, the same word shall conquer (I hope) both 
Jewes and Gentiles ; yea, these Jesuites and their Preach- 
ings, may by Divine Dispensation become Harbengers to 
the Gospell hereafter, as the Jewish Dispersions in the 
Translations of the Scripture and profession of the true 
God, were fore-runners of the Apostles preaching. 
Meane-while they find us worke at home to watch over 
Acts, 20. our Flockes, lest such grievous Wolves enter, and make 
us to leave the Pharisies glorie of compassing Sea and 
Land to winne Proselites to these their Heires and Suc- 
cessors in this, as in many other things. But I will leave 
them glorying of their Conversions, grieving that they are 
Cu.firo not herein better then their reports. I will follow them 
MiloHe. ^Q these parts of China, and here for Chinas sake to Japon, 

[III. ii. 318.] and with that Rule of Cassius (Cui bono) observe them, 
in things not gainefuU to their Religion, approve and 
applaud their industrie, yea, accept and thankfully acknow- 
ledge their authoritie. In their Conversions to the Faith, 
I suspend my faith in the qualitie, if I admit their 
quantitie. For how could one man well instruct so many 
in so little time, except hee could have given the Holy 
Ghost, as the Apostles in their conversions did. 
How Rttle in Francis Xavier, in the yeere 1541. sayled from Lisbon, 
comparison wintred at Mosambique, whence hee passed into India, 
fromJeru' ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ Malaca, and to Japonia, Et Cunctas oras 
sakm to (sayth the former Author) quas Oceanus ab Indico mari 

liiyricum? usque ad extremos Sinas, id est totius Orbis dimidium, 
circumfluit, Evangelica praedicatione illustravit & irti- 
plevit, (Japon was first discovered and knowne to the 
Portugals by Mota, carryed out of his course to China 
thither by tempest, 1542.) Hee dyed, Anno 1552. the 
five and fiftieth of his Age, of his Indian peregrination the 
eleventh, in the He Sancian, on the Coast of China. This 




was the Indian Standard-bearer to all of that Societie 
(beginning his travell to Lisbon the first yeere of their 
Confirmation 1540.) and now deified or Canonized, and 
invoked by Doctor Schuichenius, Chancellor of Collen his 
Orator, Ignati & Francisce vestris succurrite precibus, &c. 
A Letter of his written from Japon, in November, 1 549. 
thus relateth. 

Wee came by Gods grace in August to Japon, on the Letter of 
Feast day of the Assumption of the Virgin Marie, having -^^*'^^^- 
set foorth from Malaca on Midsommer day. The Master 
of the Ship was a Chinese, which had undertaken that 
oflSce to the Captayne of Malaca, and sayled prosperously 
till the Master altered his minde (as those Barbarians are 
usually inconstant) and lingred long amongst the Hands in 
the way. This troubled us in two respects principally, 
both for the losse of the season which God offered, and 
which being past, wee were compelled to winter on the 
Coast of China ; and againe, because in the same Ship was 
carryed an IdoU of the Devill, to which the Mariners in Dev'tUmr- 
sight and spight of us, sacrificed after the manner of their '^ff^i ^ ^^ 
Countrey. They also by lots demanded answers thereof, 
touching their Voyage ; which (as they sayd and beleeved) 
were sometimes good, sometimes bad. A hundred 
leagues from Malaca, holding our course to China, wee 
stayed at an Hand, where after many Ceremonies the 
Devill was consulted, what fortune wee should have, who 
answered, very prosperous : Whereupon with great 
alacritie wee set sayle : they worshipped the IdoU placed 
in the poope, with Candles burning and incense of sweet 
Wood ; wee trusted in God the Creator of Heaven and 
Earth, and in his Sonne our Lord Jesus Christ, desiring 
to Carrie his Religion into those parts. When wee were 
under sayle, they demanded of the Devill, whether this 
Ship should returne from Japon to Malaca : the answer 
was made by the lot-casters, that it should goe to Japon, 
but not returne to Malaca ; which made them alter their 
mindes, thinking it better to winter in China, and to 
deferre the voyage to Japon till the next yeere. You may 





well thinke haw it grieved us, that the Devill must bee 
consulted touching our course. After this we came to 
Cauchinchina, where two adverse things happened, 
Emanuel Sina our companion, by the rolling of the Ship 
in the troubled Sea fell into the sinke, almost dead with 
the bruise and water, but in few dayes recovered : which 
before it was ended, the Masters Daughter with the like 
rolling of the Ship fell into the Sea, and in all our sight 
was drowned, and much lamentation followed. The 
Barbarians presently sought to pacifie the Devill, and 
without rest all the day and night, tooke paines to kill 
Birds to the IdoU, and to set dishes (of meate before it,) 
and by lots consulted to know the cause of that misfortune. 
The answer was, that if Emanuel which first fell in, had 
dyed, the Girle had not fallen into the Sea. You see in 
what danger the Devill hereby had cast us, if our Lord had 
not restrayned his rage, &c. 

The tempest being asswaged, wee came in few dayes to 
Cafittm. the Port or Canton in China. And there they purposed 

to Winter, notwithstanding all our intreaties and expostu- 
lations : but I know not how on a sudden they would goe 
to Chincheo, on the same Coast. And when wee were 
almost there, the Master was certified by some which 
sayled by, that there was store of Pirats at Chincheo ; 
whereupon the winde being faire for Japon, and crosse for 
Cangoxima in Canton, they brought us to Cangoxuma, the Countrey of 
Jafioft Paul our friend Paul, whose friends used us unkindly. There 
hadbeene tn ^^^ spent fortie dayes in learning the Elements of the 
Baptised, Japonian tongue with great labour, and began to publish 
the Decalogue, and other heads of Christian learning, 
which Paul had accurately converted into his owne 
Language; and wee purposed speedily to Print them, 
whereby the knowledge of Christ is further and more 
easily founded, &c. The occasion of his journey thither, 
hee sheweth in another Letter, that some Portugals being 
lodged in a House possessed by Devils, compassed the 
sayd house with Crosses, and that there was great hope 
of good to bee done in those parts : whereupon, notwith- 




standing those Seas are very tempestuous, and much Seas tempes- 
infested with Pirats, hee resolved to goe thither. ^^^ ?»^ 

Ricius and Trigantius, adde that the Japonian Priests ^^^^^^ ' 
alledged in defence of their Idolatries, the Chinois 
wisedome against him, whereupon hee returned to India, 
to advise with the Vice-roy to send an Ambassage into 
China, without which there was no entrance, and 
obtayned that James Pereira was named Legate, with 
whom he had before conferred about the businesse at 
Sancian, where the Portugals at that time used to trade 
with the Chinois, (Amacao not yet established) but Alvarus 
Taidius the Captayne of Malaca opposed. Xavier loath 
herein to bee crossed, used the Popes Bull, which con- 
stituted him Apostolicall Nuncio, and grievously Cursed 
all that should hinder his proceedings in promoting 
Religion. And when Alvarus would not otherwise relent, 
hee interdicted him and his followers. Soone after 
Alvarus was possessed with a Leprosie, and further con- [III. ii. 319.] 
temning the Vice-roy, was taken and cast in Irons, and 
dyed miserably. Xavier burning with zeale of his China Xaviers 
expedition, sought to get some Chinois by fzvoui or ^^^f- 
reward, to conveigh him by stealth into China, and to 
expose him some-where on the Continent, although hee 
knew that imprisonment attended such strangers, as came 
into China without licence. Being admonished to take 
leave of the Captayne, What, sayd hee, should I goe to 
salute an Excommunicate person ? I shall never see him, 
nor hee me, in this life, nor after, but when in the Vale of 
Josaphat I shall accuse him before the Judge, Christ. 
And praying for him, after with a countenance full of 
Majestie, hee put off his shooes, and shooke off the dust, 
according to the Evangelicall precept. Thus he came to 
Sancian a Desart Hand, where the Portugals used to make Sancian mrtie 
Boothes of boughes of straw, (for the time of their leagues Jhm 
Trading with the Chinois) with whom hee consulted about ^^^^^^ 
some way to effect his desires, though with losse of libertie 
or life. At last he agreeth with a China Merchant, for as 
much Pepper (given him of the Portugall Merchants in 




almes) as was worth above two hundred Duckets, to set 
him and his Interpreter on shoare secretly. Hee under- 
tooke it, but either secretly terrified by other Portu^s, 
or with his owne danger, his Interpreter forsooke him: 
and after that, the Merchant also vanished. He stayed 
Xaviers yet wayting for him, till a Fever tooke him out of the 
(Uath.^ee world, in December, i c C2. His corps was after translated 

\3 F.Pinto, ^^i?^^^- , r 1. . 

\3 Eman. The Portugals of those times, were very desirous of 

Acosta Maf' Trade with the Chinois, who on the other side were very 
ferius Riciusy suspitious of them, both by that which they saw of their 
Ships and Ordnance, and by that which the Moores at 
*Since the Canton reported of these Franks, (so the Mahumetans * 
Expedition of call Europaens) that they were warlike and victorious, as 
the iVesteme appeared in Malaca and all India, under colour of 
(the \hiefe of Merchandise subjected to the Portugals. The Chinois at 
which were Canton call them still Falanks : for they want the R, and 
Franks) to the pronounce not two consonants without a vowell inter- 
cmquestof posed. By the same name they call also the Portugals 
erusa em. Ordnance. Yet desire of gaine prevayled, that they were 
admitted to such a trade as ye have heard, so as the Mart 
ended, they must away with their goods to India. That 
course continued divers yeeres, till the Chinois growing 
lesse fearefuU, granted them in the greater Hand a little 
Peninsula to dwell in. In that place was an IdoU, which 
still remayneth to bee seene, called Ama, whence the 
A Peninsula is Peninsula was called Amacao, that is, Amas Bay. This 
compassed Rocke indeed rather then Peninsula, began to bee 
with water inhabited not onely of Portugals, but of the confluence of 
^part. ^^ ^^^ ^^ neighbouring Nations, in regard of the commerce of 
Commodities of Europe, India, and the Moluccas, 
brought in Portugals Ships, and especially love of the 
Silver Coynes, brought the Chinois thither to dwell. In 
Beginnings of Continuance of time, a Citie began by degrees to bee built, 
Amacao. and the Portugals made not onely contracts of Merchan- 
dise, but of Marriage, with the Chinois, and so the 
Peninsula was filled with private houses, and out of a 
barren Rocke arose a noble Mart. And as gayne brought 




Merchants thither, so the care to keepe and to get soules, 

brought thither Priests and Religious men, and the 

Portugal! Kings priviledged the place with the tytle of a 

Citie, and made it a Bishops See. There the Jesuites fixed 

a residence, and first erected a Church to our Ladie, and 

after that divers others. For it seemed convenient to their 

designes, the world of China lying to the North, the 

Moluccas to the South, Japon, and the Philippinas to the 

East, to the West Cochinchina, Camboia, Siam, and 


From hence, many intended the China imployment 

without successe, those fields not then white to the harvest. 

Melchior Nunnes, (Anno 1555.) fi"om Canton, writes of Mekhm 

his accidental! going a shoare on China, in his voyage to ^*^^- 

Japan, occasioned by a terrible tempest whereto those Seas 

are much subject. They came in July to Sancian an Hand, 

thirtie leagues fi-om Canton, being much indangered by 

the Rockes in the way, and there hee sayd Masse over the 

place where Xavier had beene buryed ; and easily obtayned 

admission into Canton. This is reported to bee the least Canton Uast 

of all the Mother Cities of the Provinces, yet seeming to Metropolitan 

exceed Lisbone, in frequencie. The buildings are good, j^^^ ^^ 

the walls strong : a thousand Arches with inscriptions are n^ig gj-f^is 

seene therein, which the Magistrates usually leave as relation^ 

Memorials at their departure. The people are given to became you 

their bellies, and to pleasure. The Government is admir- ^^JJ'^ ^^^ 

able. The Chiefe Justice they call Hexasi, the Treasurer ' 

Ponchasi, the Admiral! and Governour of Strangers, 

Aitan. The Chaens Ensignes, are a Hand and an Eye ; Aiton^ Aitao^ 

his office is to see the Execution of the Kings Sentences, ^ Haitao. 

to order or deprive Magistrates. The Tutan is Vice-roy, 

conspicuous by his Cap and his Garments, wrought with 

a gilded Lion, which* is the Kings Armes: in State hee *So Pinto alsoy 

excelleth European Kings. The Portugal! Captaynes and ^^ ^" " ^ 

wee speake not to him, but aloofe on our knees. If any J^^%^/ ^j^ 

will speake with him, at every Gate of his sumptuous Kings. 

Palace, hee must aloud utter his businesse, before the 

Porter admits him. Hee hath many for his Guard. And 



*Som Sects 
more J others 

[III. ii. 320.] 


regni Sinensis 
extant with 
the Jesuites 
pubRshed by 
Jo, Hayus. 


one hundred thousand men are sayd to bee maintayned at 
the Kings cost, for the keeping of this Province. His 
Officers goe two and two and make way with great cryes. 
Their Cane-whippings are terrible, the Canes burned at 
the end, a cubite long, foure fingers broad. Sec. The 
Chinois are wittie and judicious, in matters of the world : 
but have little care of the soule, ignorant of its * immor- 
talitie, of one God, and of eternall rewards and punish- 
ments. Their Priests have a kinde of Myter on the head, 
are shaven head and beard, otherwise contemptible. I 
could not with great diligence finde any that could shew 
mee their Ceremonies, and the lawes of their Holies. 
The Inhabitants all have Idols, which they incense; and 
divine by lots, beating the Idols if the Lots prove 
unluckie. I was twice at Canton, and spent two moneths 
there to redeeme Portugall prisoners. The Chinois kill 
or captivate the Portugals, which are wracked on that 
Coast, which yet they cease to doe, since they pay their 
Customes. I went thence in May to Japan. 

Alexander Valignanus, was sent by the Jesuiticall 
Generall into India as Visitor, and having visited other 
parts, came to Amacao, in his way to Japon, forced to stay 
there ten moneths with the Jesuites. There hee more 
fully informed himselfe of the state of China, and raised 
the embers of the almost extinguished zeale of that 
expedition. Hee is thought to bee the Author of that 
treatise called Admiranda Regni Sinensis, contayning a 
summarie of the wonders in China, worthy heere to have 
beene inserted, but that wee rather ayme at things seene 
then heard, as having better certaintie. Oculatus testis 
unus prestat auritis decem. Upon the consideration of 
their wits, Peace, Policie, studies of Learning, hee con- 
ceived that if any were skilfiiU of their Language and 
Letters, he might doe some good for their Conversion. 
Hereupon hee resolved to imploy some that way, although 
many others of the companie which had experience of the 
China afFayres, held it labour in vayne. Yet hee went 
on and because of the paucitie of ours at Amacao, and 



1 541-1622. 

none so fit for that designe, hee sent into India to the 

Provinciall, to send thither at least one Priest for that 

purpose. And he going to Japon, left order what hee 

which was sent sho\3d doe. 

Michael Ruggerius, an Italian of the Kingdome of MicA. 
Naples, was sent, and came to Amacao, in July, Anno Rtiggerius. 
1579. and applyed himselfe to learne the language which 
the Courtiers in China use, and is common thorow all 
China, (the Provinces having otherwise pecxiliar languages) 
also to learne to reade and write their Characters, which 
are as many as words. That language was verie hard both 
in it selfe, and for the want of teachers. For those Chris- 
tian Chinois which lived at Amacao, in habit of Europeans, 
& those which came thither in Merchandise, were almost 
as ignorant of the Court tongue, as of the Portugall : and 
though they understood it, yet they could not well pro- 
nounce it. And for the Characters, they know those 
which belonged to their Merchandising and common use. 
Labor improbus omnia vincit. With pictures his teacher 
was often forced to supply characters. And whereas the 
Portugals twice a yeere in the Mart season have accesse to Portugal/ 
Canton, about Januarie and June, he went with them trade at 
thither. For in time they obtayned this libertie, that not ^^^^j^^^„' 
in a desart Hand, as first, nor in the Amacao Haven, but ^^ ^/^^^ 
in the Metropolitan Citie two dayes up the River, they 
might have trading by day, but lye aboard at night, with 
so many eyes and watches on them, as it is manifest they 
are not altogether free of their former feares. 

These Marts continue two moneths each of them, or 
longer, and have beene the onely meane of admitting the 
Jesuites into China, by the industrie and pietie of other 
Portugals. Ruggerius therefore with his merchandise Rugg, first 
also adventured with them, and found an impediment at entrance. 
first. Another Jesuite which before had gone thither had 
converted a youth. Disciple to a Priest, and closely con- 
veyed him to Amacao. His Master made complaint and 
procured the Magistrate to fetch him backe by force, to the 
great trouble of Ours, and seeming discredit as if by ill 




freed by the 

arts they had seduced Children from their Parents, which 
is a thing at Canton, both usuall and Capitall. Ruggerius 
enterposed himselfe with great care and discretion, and 
appeased the Admirall or Hai-tao which hath the com- 
mand of Strangers, who hereby had an opinion of his 
vertue, and delighted to see him studious of the China 
bookes. He therefore permitted him to stand at his side 
when others kneeled, and freed him also from the going 
aboard at night, and allowed him a place in the Palace, 
Ambassage of where the Ambassadours of the King of Siam were usually 
Stam, entertayned, bringing their present or tribute ^such as you 

have heard in Goez) to the King. There nee studied 
night and day the China bookes, and on Sundayes and 
Holy-dayes, the Portugals came thither to him to Masse 
and to receive the Sacraments. This continued whiles 
they continued, for when the Mart ended hee was com- 
manded to returne with them. The Father procured 
acquaintance also with the chiefe Captayne of the Souldiers 
of that Province (the Chinois call him Zumpim) to whom 
hee gave a watch. By this meanes many of those which 
came to Amacao, began to shake off their Ethnike dark- 
nesse, and the devout Portugals erected a House for the 
Catechumeni (new Converts to bee instructed in Christian 
mysteries before Baptisme) where hee instructed them, 
and more freely followed his China studies, by helpe of 
Interpreters. One businesse hindred another, and his 
Marts absence (which tooke up neere halfe the yeere) this 
Catechising, and a tongue is hardly learned by studie 
Mat, Rictus, without use ; and therefore the Visitor sent for Matthew 
Ricius out of India, (which had come out of Europe with 
Ruggerius, and now had finished his Divinitie course at 
Goa) to bee his yoake fellow, one to whom the China 
expedition is most indebted. 

Anno 1582. Valignanus the Visitor, carryed certayne 
Japonian Princes sent to Rome to yeeld subjection to the 
Pope, in the name of those Kings which sent them, as 
you shall heare. He staying for the Monson at the 
Colledge of Amacao, tooke great paines to advance the 


Zumpim or 



China businesse. And to that purpose hee instituted the 

Fraternitie or fellowship of Jesus in our House, with Fratemltie oj 

lawes fitting to New Converts ; forbidding any Portugals •^^'«^- 

to bee therein admitted, but onely Chinois, and Japonians, 

and those which were newly converted of other Nations : 

alway to bee governed by one of those Fathers which [III. ii. 321.] 

should bee assigned to the China Expedition, called. The 

Father of the new Converts, taking care not onely of 

their salvation, but their other affaires and poverty. 

The Vice-roy of Canton Province is one of the chiefe Vtce-roy of 
Vice-royes, because his Province is farre from Pequin, and C^^^^n. 
coasting on the Sea ; infested therefore with often Piracies, 
especially Japonian. Hereupon the Canton Vice-roy 
exerciseth jurisdiction also in the adjoyning Province, 
Quamsi, if occasion require to levie more Souldiers, QuamsL 
although Quamsi hath also a Vice-roy of her owne. For 
this cause the Canton Vice-roy resideth not at Canton, but 
at Sciauquin, a Citie bordering on both Provinces. At Sciauqmn, 
this time Cinsui borne in the jProvince of Fuquien, was 
Vice-roy, a covetous man, who to get money of the 
Amacaons sent thither his Writ for the Bishop and Cap- 
taine to come to his Court, understanding that they 
commanded all there. They thought it not agreeing to 
the Portugall honour to goe, nor to their safety to neglect 
his summons, and therefore by Valignanus his advise, 
Ruggerius was sent in the name of the Bishop, to see if 
hee could get a perpetuall Station in that Kingdome, and 
Penella the Auditor, in place of the Captaine. And to 
obtaine his fiivour, that he should not disturbe their 
merchandising, a Present was sent him at publike charge, 
of such things as the Chinois most regard, as waved gar- 
ments of silke Damaske (which the Chinois then knew 
not how to make) Crystall Glasses, and other things valued 
at 1000. Duckets. The Vice-roy received them in great 
pompe, more to terrifie then honour them; but at the 
sight of the Presents (the scope of his purpose) hee became 
gentle and courteous, and decreed that they might live in 
his Port in manner as hitherto they had done, obeying the 



1 541-1622. 

Lawes of the China Magistrates: which words seeme 
formall, the Portugals living there after their owne Lawes ; 
and other Nations, yea the Chinois themselves which are 
Christians in habite and religion, being subject to them. 
The other Chinois are subject to common Officers sent 
thither from Canton. The Vice-roy woxild have nothing, 

Bribe trickes. but hee would pay for it, which hee did because bribes 
and gifts are there severely punished : but privily hee sent 
to them, that money was given them to procure him as 
many other like. 

Ruggerius desired that which he came for, saying, he 
learned the China Tongue and read their Bookes, which 
he seemed much to like, and gave him hopes at his next 
returne to obtayne it. And having given them weight of 
Silver; with provision, great attendance of Magistrates 
and Souldiers, much Musicke of Hoybuckes and other 
Instruments, hee sent them pompously thorow the publike 
streets of the Citie to their shipping. So weighty is hope 
of gaine. In August had comne (as they use) PortugaU 
ships to Amacao, in them of our Society not a few, and 

Mat. Rictus, amongst others. Father Matthew Ricius, who brought 
with him an artificiall Watch from the Provinciall for the 
advancing this China businesse. About that time the 
Captaine of Amacao having made readie those things 
which the Vice-roy prescribed, sent backe the Auditor to 
Sciauquin, but Ruggerius unseasonably (or seasonably 
rather as the event manifested) fell sicke ; yet sent word to 
the Vice-roy that he could not come to him as he had pro- 

Clocke-watch. mised : and withall, that he had a Clocke-watch which did 
without any striker sound the houres, a thing even still 
of much wonder to the Chinois. Hearing of his sick- 
nesse, hee seemed sorrowfuU, but this Watch awaked him, 
and caused him to make his Secretarie presently write a 
Licence for the Father to come to him with that admirable 
worke, as soone as he should bee able. When this Charter 
was read at Amacao, it contayned more ; for the Fathers 
were invited by publike Authoritie to erect a publike and 
private house in that Citie, which caused great joy. But 




the Visitor was afraid as yet to send Ruggerius, as not 
furnished fully for that designe ; the beginning of a thing 
being the greatest part. The other Jesuites perswaded, 
and Father Francis Pasius bound for Japon, a man well 
qualified for governing was sent, and Ruggerius adjoyning 
his Colleague. Ricius was made Governour of the 
CoUedge of the Catechumeni, and appointed to follow the 
other two, if occasion served. And if the businesse pro- 
ceeded not, Pasius was to proceed to Japon, and the other 
two to attend better opportunitie in their China businesse. 

Those two Jesuites went to Sciauquin, and ofl^ered their JesuUes first 
Watch with a triangle Glasse presenting variety of colours, ^y^^ station. 
a thing admired of the Chinois as a precious Jewell : both cornered 
which were exceeding welcome to the Vice-roy, who Glasse, 
assigned them a convenient station in a Suburbian Temple, 
called Thien-min-zu, whither he often sent them divers 
viands, and often admitted them in Visitation to his 
Palace. There they abode foure or five moneths, often 
visited in that Temple by principall men and Magistrates 
of the Citie, and were in hope of their perpetuall con- 
tinuance, having obtayned licence of the Secretarie also 
for Ricius to come, who was preparing for the Voyage, 
when all was disturbed on a sudden, the Vice-roy being 
I know not for what fault, deprived of his place. He 
fearing least in the chiefe Citie the presence of Strangers 
might further hurt him, dismissed the Jesuites so, as hee 
permitted them to stay at Canton, commanding the Magis- 
trate there to provide them a house and ground. The 
Chinois call that Citie Quam-cheu which the Portugals (by Quam-cheu 
the name of the Province deluded) call Canton. They ^^^ ^'*^ »^^^ 
well knew that his commission was of no force, yet they ^^^^*- 
went, and the Haitau, to whom the Charter was directed 
was absent, and no regard being had thereof, they were 
not permitted to ascend the bankes, and therefore with 
griefe returned to Amacao. Pasius presently sayled 
according to the Visitors appointment to Japon, and after [III. ii. 322.] 
divers yeeres labour there, was Under-provinciall of the 
China and Japonian Missions: and when both of those 



Pasius dieth 
long after. 


expeditions were by the Generals order made a Province, 
he was declared Visitour thereof, and came to Amacao, to 
take order for China, where within few moneths he died. 

Embassage to 
the Pope, 
Edidit Hen. 

King of 
Bungos Letter. 

§. II. 

Japonian Embassage to the Pope ; of Nabunanga 
and Quabacondono their government; Coral 
invaded. Embassage from China, Taicosamas 
Temple, and Ogoshosamas succession. 

Aving mentioned that Embassage of 
Japonian Kings sent to the Pope by pro- 
curement of the Jesuites, out of their 
writings I have heere added for further 
illustration, the acts of the publike Con- 
sistorie in this forme of words. 

Pope Gregorie the thirteenth, sitting in 
the Hall designed for entertaynment of Kings, and their 
Embassages on the three and twentieth of March, 1585. 
in the morning, in a most ample Session of the Cardinals 
of the Holy Romane Church, and in a great assembly of 
Princes and Prelates with greatest industry, and most 
frequent attendance of all Orders : Mantius and Michael 
(who was also of the Prince of Omur) two Legates of 
Japonian Kings, were brought in, and one of the two 
Japonian companions of the same Embassage, of principall 
Nobilitie, to wit, Martine, for Julian the other of them 
was withholden by sicknesse.) After solemne adoration 
of the Pope, and the kisses of his blessed feet, received of 
him with great demonstration of benevolence and charitie, 
they went aside into a place appointed them with great 
modestie. Afterwards, the Letters of the Kings which 
they had brought are publikely read, being translated out 
of the Japonian Tongue into the Italian, and thence into 
the Latine. First, that of Francis King of Bungo, who 
therein professeth the Divine bountie in sending the 
Jesuites foure and thirtie yeeres before into those parts, 




whose seed had taken some rooting in his breast, which 
hee ascribes to the Popes prayers and merits. And had 
it not beene for his age, warres, and sicknesse, hee would 
have visited those holy places, and have kissed his holy 
feet, and set them on his head, and received his blessing, 
his breast crossed by his most holy hand : but so detayned, 
had thought to have sent his sisters sonne, the Lord 
Jerome, Sonne of the King of Fiunga his Embassadour, 
whose Cousin-german Mantius in his absence he now 
sent ; thankes him for the Relikes sent him, &c. Jan. 1 1 . 
1582. Inscribed, To the great and most holy Pope to be 
adored, and holding on Earth the place of the King of 
Heaven. Subscribed, Francis King of Bungo, prostrate 
at your Blessednesse most holy feet. Not much unlike 
was the tenour of the second Letter, sent from Protasius 
King of Arima, who detayned by divers lets, had sent his 
Cousin-german in his roome, to his Holinesse, which with 
sincere and humble minde hee adoreth. Inscribed, To 
the great and holy Lord whom I adore, holding the roome 
of God. The Prince of Omur sent also the said Michael 
his Brothers Sonne with a Letter of like import, inscribed. 
With lifted up hands adoring I offer these to the most holy 
Lord the Pope, Vicar of the great God. Subscribed in 
substance as the first. 

After this, silence was commanded ; and in the name of 
the said Kings and Legates, Gasper Gonsalvas a Portugall 
Jesuite made an Oration unto the Pope, comparing and 
preferring this Embassage with that of certaine Indians to 
Augustus, and the conversion of Britaine by the first 
Gregorie with this of Japon, and other Hands by the 
Thirteenth, succeeding* and exceeding that, now fallen *^«f^f 
from the Pope; applying Essays Prophecies of the jf^^f.^,^ 
Churches encrease to this Jesuiticall Harvest, and magni- j^ngfta was 
fying the great glories of that Pope, founder of more worth 
Seminaries, and magnified extra anni Solisque vias. ^^^J^oth 
Antonio Buccapadulio answered in the name of the Pope, pJ^'o 
That Francis King of Bungo, Protasius King of the /;•/ g, ^, 5/^' 
Arimans, and Bartholmew his Uncle, Prince of Omur, iffc 




This the most 
mysterte of 
Pa fall Faith, 

hath sent you their kinsmen to him from the remote 
Japonian Hands to the veneration of that power in 
presence, which by Gods bounty he holdeth, they have 
done godly and wisely. For there is one Faith, one 
Catholike Church, one made Governour over the said 
Church, and Pastor of Christs Flocke, that is, of all 
Catholikes thorow the World, in the succession of Peter, 
the Roman Bishop. That they acknowledge and professe 
this, together with the mysteries of the orthodoxe Faith, 
our most holy Lord rejoyceth, and giveth immortal! 
thankes to the Divine bounty, and judges this to be the 
most true joy which proceedeth from the studie of Gods 
glorie, and the salvation of Soules. Therefore most 
willingly, together with these his venerable Brethren, 
Cardinals of the Roman Church, hee embraceth the testi- 
fication of their Faith, Obedience, Devotion. He wisheth 
and prayeth that by their example other Kings and Princes 
also of those lies, and of the whole World, rejecting the 
worship and errour of Idols, may know the true God, and 
whom he hath sent Jesus Christ ; for this is life eternal!. 

This done, the Consistorie was dismissed. The 
Legates when they had attended the Pope, after the 
custome, into the inner roomes, were first entertayned of 
the Popes brothers sonne, the Cardinal! of Saint Sixtus, 
with a Banket ; after that admitted to the Popes private 
[III. ii. 323.] and familiar conference, they discoursed by Interpreters 
with him of many things, touching the Journey and 
Religion : then went to Saint Peters Church, and the holy 
Thresholds of the Apostles piously saluted, at night were 
honourably brought to their lodging. 

This was prepared and furnished in the Jesuites 
CoIIedge by the Popes appointment at their first comming 
to Rome, the two and twentieth of March, who also sent 
two troops of Horse to guard them. They went from 
their Charet to the Temple, and whiles they praised God, 
and worshipped at the greatest Altar, the Students of the 
German CoIIedge in a double Quire sang, Te Deum 
laudamus. The Legates next day had audience as yee 


Extract, i 
Uteris Roma 



have heard; their Vestment was parti-coloured and 
embroidered, a short Sword on the left hand, an Arab 
Dagger on the right, the other part of their habite Japonian. 
The pompe of all sorts, and the Ordnance attended them 
to the Vatican, & there the Italian Garrison, and Helvetian 
Guard with their Peeces and military Musicke received 
them. Then were they lead into the Hall, and after all 
things there finished, the Legates carried the Popes traine 
at his departure. And on the five and twentieth day, 
festivall for the Annuntiation, the Pope going on solemne 
Procession, these Legates rode in the last place. What 
should I say more ? (sayth our Authour) it cannot be told, 
how all magnifie the mercy of God which brings farre more See the last 
at this time fi-om the East and West to the Catholike ^^P- of my 
Church, then the Devill hath seduced in the North. ^^^^' ^- 9- 

These Japonian Lords returned into India, 1586. as 
Valignanus writeth, and were much endangered by a 
tempest. Their returne into Japon is signified by the 
Letters of Michael to the Archbishop of Ebora, testifying 
their arrivall the one and twentieth of July, 1590. at 
Nangasach with the said Valignanus; and by the Letter 
of Don Sancius, Sonne and Successour to Bartholmew 
Prince of Omur to Pope Xistus the fifth, with thankes for Popes presents. 
the wood of the Crosse, and the Sword sent his Father 
which should be kept amongst his principall Jewels. 
Protasius also the King of Arima wrote to the Great and 
most holy Pope Xistus or Sixtus in this manner. 

On the sixteenth of the sixth Moone, which was the 
one and twentieth of July, 1690. heere arrived the Father 
Visitour of the Societie of Jesus, with Cingiva Don 
Michael my kins-man, Don Mancius, and other com- 
panions which I had sent to Rome to put their heads under 
your Holinesse feet. Whose comming did as much 
rejoyce me, as if a thousand Autumnes had comne to me, 
and ten thousand yeeres had beene added to my life. Don 
Michael related with what honour and fevour hee was 
entertayned of your Holinesse, of King Philip, and other 
Catholike Princes, for which I render those thankes which 
XII 257 R 

I 541- 1622. 


favours^ with 
little cost 
Buying muck 


See of these 
Kings and 
Rites my Pilg. 
I.S.C. 15. 



Pen and Paper cannot expresse. He delivered me Letters 
also which your Holinesse vouchsafed mee, favourably 
reckoning mee amongst the Christian Kings. Hee 
brought me also part or the holy Wood of the true Crosse, 
a Hat, and a Sword, which your Holinesse is wont to send 
to Christian Kings and Princes. Which favour and 
studies are such, and so esteemed of mee, that I have 
determined to consecrate them to eternall memory, and to 
place them amongst my chiefe Treasures, and the Orna- 
ments and Monuments of my posteritic. And this 
honour conferred on mee is such, that greater cannot be in 
this life, and it redounds unto a future good life. I had 
determined (according to the order prescribed of your H. 
in his Letters, and as the fevour, and so great benefits 
bestowed on mee deserved) to have received the said 
Presents with all the celebritie and pompe that might be 
in my Kingdome: but the Father Visitour shewed mee 
that respect was to be had of the tyrannie and great hatred 
wherewith Quabacondono the Lord of all Japon, per- 
secuteth the Fathers and Christians these three yeeres 
together; and this feast to be deferred till he returneth 
from Meaco, whither hee is going in Embassage from the 
Vice-roy of India to Quabacondono, &c. The ninth yeere 
of the Era called Tenscio, the tenth of the eighth Moone, 
which is the two and twentieth of September, An. 1590. 

At your Highnesse feet, 

Arimano, Sciurino, Daibu Don Protasius. 

This Quabacondono (as L, Frocs writeth) was now 
growne the greatest Monarch that ever Japon had, having 
ascended thereunto from a base estate, which was (as hee 
hath divers times with his owne mouth confessed) to cut 
wood, and to Carrie it to the Market to sell for his daily 
food. Nobunanga his Predecessor had growne to great 
height, such as many ages had not there seene. In 
Frenojama eight hundred yeeres before, a King of Japon 
had builded 380a Temples, with houses adjoyned for the 




Bonzis, which employed themselves in the studie of the 

Lawes and Sects: for whose quietnesse he removed the 

Husbandmen, and builded them two streets, allowing to 

their maintenance about the third part of the Customes 

ior Rents) of the Vomen Kingdome. Thus became it a 
buntaine of their superstitions. In time those Temples 
dispersed in sixteene Vallies were lessened to 800. and 
the Bonzian discipline, and studies melted into pleasures, 
hardned into Armes, and ranged into robberies, so that 
they fired Meaco with great slaughter, and opposed 
Nobunanga: who having destroyed the Militarie Bonzi 
(called Icoxos) and taken away their Castles, invaded 
Frenojama, professing he feared not their Gods. On the Fremfama. 
top of a Hill was the Temple of Quanon, to whom prayers 
and pilgrimages were made for health, wealth, and long 
life ; and yeerely solemnities and Playes with huge pompe 
and cost were made in his honour (to which the Gibon 
feast at Meaco succeeded) wiA frequency of men, devices [III. 11.3*4.] 
of work-men, and such order, that it may appeare that The Bonzian 
Satan there imitates the anniversary solemnitie of Corpus 6*?'fV*'' 
Christi amongst us. Thither the Bonzi had gotten, but christiPhw 
it, and they, and their streets were destroyed, and foure RkebyJesuites 
hundred Temples with their furniture burned. At Facu- tesHnmie. 
sangin also were a thousand houses of the Bonzi by 
themselves, besides Monasteries, which he destroyed. 
Xinguea the King of Cainochun had forced his Father to 
exile, and imprisoned his elder Brother, and then seized 
on the Kingdome: after which he shaved his beard and ShaveRnp. 
haire, and became a Bonzo, and would needs repaire 
Frenojama, and stiling himselfe, Chiefe in the house of 
the Kings and of Religions, gathered an Armie, 
Nabunanga wrote to him, calling himselfe. Tamer of 
Devils, and enemie of Sects. Hee proceeded first against 
the Bonzi with these terrours; and after would needs 
himselfe be worshipped, but eighteene dayes after in a 
conspiracy of his owne against him, he was slaine, and 
his dispersed. Quabacondono succeeded, and in great- 
nesse of attempts and ambition exceeded. 




Faxiba made This Quabacondono is a title which Faxiba assumed, 

£iw3tff(?«- j^nd is as much, as Treasurer. These titles are given by 

Quahiuu si^' ^^^ ^^^ ^^ Dairi, descended of the ancient Kings, and now 

nifiestheCJust enjoying a strange Empire, which is to give titles of 

of treasure. honour, (for whidi all great men have their Factors with 

^^* . him) and is esteemed as a God, not suffered to tread on 

Tumanus. ^|^^ ground (that were deposition) nor often seene, and 

gets much treasure out of those Titles, which he so often 

changeth, that the King of Bungo was by the Jesuites 

observed foure and thirty times to have altered his 

The 3. chiefe appellations. There is a high Priest, who with Papall 

men in Japan, power authorizeth Sects, connrmeth and consecrateth the 

Pnes/an/^ Tundi or Bishops which are nominated by the Kings, and 

Quingue. enjoyeth Royall revenues. The Quingue is the third 

Aff-eaterthen person, and hath power over Judgements and Warres. 

^- But the Lords of Tensa, that is, such as have power to 

chiTc^Ae f ^^ ^^^"^ ^^tw hands Meaco, and the Region adjoyning, 

Japm. are really chiefe Lords, and command the State, though 

in seeming ceremonie (as the Turkes to their Mufti, and 

more manifestly the Soldans of Egypt to their Califas) 

they yeeld a seeming subjection : the Dairi not daring to 

crosse them. 

Faexiba Cicugendono obtayned that title of Quabacon- 
dono (Dono is a generall title of honour) the next to the 
Dairi, and having subjected Japon, minded to conquer 
Corau China, by the way of Corai. The King of Corai sent his 

Embassadour to him with three hundred attendants in 
vaine, he minding to send and place in those new Con- 
quests all the suspected Princes of Japan, and to eternize 
his owne name, being exceeding vain-glorious. He tooke 
from the Bonzi their Lands : and after that, making ditches 
round about Meaco, hee forced them all to dwell together 
neere the said ditches: which reducing their discrepant 
c^gantmus g^^^g ^^ ^^ unformed Chaos together, made many of them 
forsake their profession. Hee enjoyed every foot of Land 
in Japon, gave, or removed, or deprived Kings at pleasure, 
tooke away all Armes from the Rustikes ; forbad all con- 
tentions and fights upon paine of death, if any guilty 



hereof fled, punishing the kindred, or servants, or neigh- 
bours, crucifying them. He administred justice very 
severely without partiality, or pardoning any man: and 
had almost put to death the Meacon Bonzi for their Con- 
cubines if the Governour of Meaco had not interposed 
and undertaken their amendment. Hee never suffered 
the Souldiers to be idle, but used them in warres or build- 
ings. The Vice-roy sent him an Embassage and 
Presents; the foure Japonian Lords which had beene in 
Europe attending Valignanus the Embassadour. Quaba- 
condono would needs heare these Japonians play European 
Musicke, which they had there learned : and made great 
shewes of kindnesse to them all, and sent this Letter with 
Presents to the Vice-roy. 

Sir, I have received Letters which your Lordship from 
so remote Regions sent mee, in opening and reading 
whereof I seemed to see the length of the leagues by land 
and sea. This Kingdome of Japon as you wrote, con- Qms tulerit. 
tayneth above sixtie States or Jurisdictions, in which Gracchos lie. 
before have beene great disorders and warres, no peace nor 
quiet. For many wicked men. Traitors to their Countrey 
conspired to denye obedience to their* King, a thing *The Dairiy 
which from my youth hath vexed me. And long since I ^>^f W/«^r 
bethought mee of a course to subject this People, and to 
pacifie the whole Kingdome : and layed for a foundation 
three vertues, to wit, Gentlenesse and affabilitie of speech 
in conversing with men ; Prudence in considerate judging 
of things, and egregious fortitude and courage of minde : 
by the aide whereof I have subdued all this Nation, and 
have brought all the Kingdomes into this forme of one 
Empire, wicked men being extinct, and worke-men which 
labour in the fields promoted. And I have so restored 
peace and quietnesse to these Kingdomes, and in few 
yeeres have so setled and stablished the Monarchie of 
Japon, that it is now like a great Rocke which cannot be 
removed. Whence it is come to passe that in all foure 
parts of the Kingdome they have a King eminent in much 
wisedome; and the King likewise hath all of them 






without his 





[III. ii. 325.] 

altvay by the 
Devili andhisy 
accused fir a 


obedient. And in this order I have declared and exercised 
the power of a good Captaine, to whom these Kingdomes 
are subject ; by taking away the wicked, and rooting out 
all Robbers by sea and land. So the people, families, and 
all places of the Kingdome enjoy marvellous quiet. I 
have also determined to invade the Kingdome of China, 
and in few dayes I will take ship and doubt not of victorie. 
When I shall possesse it, your Lordship may more easily 
communicate with mee in all things. 

Now concerning the Fathers,* Japon is the Kingdome 
of Chamis, whom wee hold to be the same with Scin, 
which is the beginning of all things. This Scin is the 
substance and the very being of all things ; and all things 
are one and the same with Scin, and into Scin are resolved. 
Who in Scina is called Jutto, and in Tescincu Buppo. 
Further, in the observation of the Lawes of his Chamis 
consisteth all the Politicall government of Japon, which 
being neglected, there is no difference betwixt Lords and 
Subjects : if it be kept, the union and concord is perfected 
which ought to bee twixt the Father and Sonne, the 
Husband and wife. Therefore the whole, both intemall 
and externall government of Men and Kingdomes is 
placed in the conservation of this union and policie. Now 
the Fathers formerly have entred these Kingdomes to 
preach another Law for the saving of men : but because 
wee are instructed and settled in the Lawes of Chamis, 
we desire no other Law : for the diversities of Lawes and 
opinions are hurtfull and prejudiciall to the Kingdome. 
Wherefore I commanded the Fathers to depart out of 
Japon, and have forbidden them to preach their Law, nor 
will I that hecreafter they preach any new Law in this 
Kingdome. Although these things be so, yet I greatly 
desire that a stable communication may remayne betwixt 
us: for so this Kingdome shall bee free from Theeves, 
by Land and Sea. And I give leave to all Merchants 
which bring merchandise, to sell them all without let. I 
desire your Lordship to approve the same. I received 
all the gifts which you sent out of those Southeme parts, 




as it is written in your Letters. I likewise send some 

others out of these Kingdomes, with a memoriall of the 

gifts, and the names of them which have given. The 

Legate will declare the rest, wherefore I will bee no 

longer. Dated 20. yeere of Tenscii, 25. of the seventh 


In the end was the Seale and Subscription. It was 
written in a leafe eight palmes long, foure broad, painted 
with golden Flowers, and put in a red silke bagge wrought 
with Gold and silver; and that inclosed after the Japon 
manner in a Boxe, which for the price and workmanship Jafonian 
was so admirable, that the subtiltie and excellence of the toorknumship. 
worke might amaze all Europeans. Within it was 
covered and without, with Urosci (made of Gold beaten 
into powder) distinguished with Flowers of Gold and 
Silver, so inserted in the Urosci that none could discerne 
the conjunction, but he which knew the making of the 
Boxe. It had also Roses, and gold Chaines to tye the 
Boxe ; which Boxe was put into another Bag, and that 
into another Boxe very artificiall. The gifts were 
Armours, Armes, and other things very precious. 

He assembled his Lords about this China Warre, which Preparation 
durst not expresse any other opinion, hee having protested, fi^ invasion oj 
that hee would not heare his Sonne disswade him, if he ^^' 
were alive againe, and if any should hinder him, it should 
cost him his life. Thus for some moneths space nothing 
might be seene else, but provision for Ships, Armes, 
Munitions, and necessaries ror the Warre. Hee made a 
Catalogue of all his Lords, exempting none from the 
expedition, and setting every one his number of 
followers. To Augustine a Christian Lord hee gave the 
favour of first impression into Corai, other Lords staying 
still at Suscima eighteene leagues distant. Corai is Cord 
adjoyning to the Continent of China at one end, divided described: set 
by a great River from China, and tributarie to the King ^ ^^^^ 
of China; it is in length about an hundred leagues, and ^'* 
sixtie broad : the people unlike the Chinois in language 
and bodily strength, but following their lawes, customes, 



♦rii/ // that 
Fireisama of 

Saris, and 
Master Cockey 
deprived by 


fVide River 
and Corai, 


and governement. They are better Archers then at any 
other weapons: and not comparable to the Japonians, 
except in shipping, wherein they and the Chinois exceed. 
Yet at this time they were destitute of that defence, and 
Augustine gave them a great overthrow. Before Quaba- 
condono would goe, he made his Brothers Sonne by the 
Dairi to be entituled Quabacondono, as his Heire and 
Successour, contenting himselfe with the title of Taico- 
sama, that is. Great Lord. All the Japonian Princes were 
commanded to be present at the translation, to give him 
obedience; to whom the Dairi gave the Fortresse of 
Meaco, and the Palaces of Quabacondono, making him 
Lord of Tensa. But his Uncle held the sway of all in his 
owne hands, and after having a * Sonne of his own, caused 
this his Nephew with some others to crosse himselfe (that 
is, to cut his breast acrosse, his bowels falling out, and 
some one of those which died with him, cuttmg off his 

Augustine with a Fleet of eight hundred sayles entred 
Corai, and tooke two Fortresses, the Coraians being driven 
from the walls by the Japonders Gunnes, unknowne to the 
other, and five thousand of them slayne. This wanne him 
great credite with Taicosama, who promised him much, 
yet performed little. Hee defeated also an Armie of 
twenty thousand, and after another of fourescore thousand, 
and the King fleeing into China tooke the Meaco, or 
Royall Citie of Corai. Taicosama sent him a Horse, and 
a Sword, the honour that Nabunanga was wont after any 
great Victorie to doe to him. The Coraians seeing their 
King with his troops in safety, fled with their provisions 
into Woods and Hills, and would not thence bee brought 
by any promises. The Japonian possessed of the For- 
tresses wanted men to till the ground, and therefore must 
needes want necessaries: the wayes also were by the 
Coraians upon all occasions assaulted. There are two 
hundred thousand Japonians at this present in Corai, and 
Augustine is in the extreme borders adjoyning to China, 
separated notwithstanding by a River three leagues broad, 




abounding in ships, and the shores fortified with mvdti- 
tudes of men, so that the successe is doubtful!. 

Froes in his Epistle, 1595. writeth that there were then 
an hundred and ninety Jesuites in Japon and China : that 190. Jesuites, 
Taicosama not succeeding in his Coraian expedition, 
returned to Meaco, and quarrelled the new Quabacondono 
out of his life, who with five others at Taicos command 
executed themselves after the Japonian manner. Augus- 
tine meane while endeavoured an Embassage to bee sent 
from the King of China, who thinking himselfe Lord of 
the World, sent to Taicosama, that it was an unmeet thing [III. ii. 326.] 
that He, whose industrie and valour had subdued three- 
score and sixe Kingdomes of Japon to his Empire, should 
permit the Dairi a private man, and Subject to the King 
of Japon to hold his former place of dignitie. And if 
hee would deprive him thereof, hee promised to send him 
a Crowne, and the title of King, and by the same Legates 
to treate further about the Japonians forsaking Corai. 
Two Embassadours were sent from Pequin to Augustine China 
to Corai : who presently sent word to Taico, the Embassa- 
dours abiding with him, because of the solemne entertayn- 
ment which Taico intended for the renowme of his name 
to all posteritie. The Nobles exhaust in the former 
expedition were yet now enforced to new braveries and 
expences. Hee caused at Ozaca a Hall to bee erected, 
with a thousand Tatami (very elegant Mats) the timber 
costly, and gilding incredible. Yet by store of raynes a 
great part thereof fell downe, which hee intended soone to 
repaire, having an hundred thousand men at worke there 
both night and day in great miserie, standing with their 
feet in the water. If any runne away they are killed. 
Before this Hall hee erected a Theatre for Comedies, 
exceeding stately and costly with artificiall paintings of 
Urusci. Hee repaired the Tower of Ozaca seven stories 
high. The gilded Plates or Tiles, the Bridge called, The 
Bridge of Paradise, the new Citie of Fuscimo which he 
builded, and other his immane expenses (the Offerings to 
his Idoll of Fame,) I omit. Hee caused his little Sonne 


Huge PalacCy 
of the Chinois. 



a Japonian 

to goe with great State to Sandai to the Dairi, that is^ to 
bow his head thrice before him downe to the Mats, who 
entertayned him with a solemne feast, with great Jubilee 
in alteration of names and titles of honour to the Nobles. 
Taico had settled peace thorow all Japon from Warres, 
from Robbers by land, and from Rovers by sea, which 
before continually infested all with Piracies (one of which 
Noximandono is mentioned by the Jesuites in this time to 
have had a great Fleet of ships, and to have forced a 
great part of the Coast to yeerely tribute unto him, to bee 
freed from his Robberies) onely the Dairi had higher title : 
and a Crowne and Scepter seemed wanting to his realitie 
of Reealitie and Soveraigntie already possessed. And 
now wniles hee intended to exceed himselfe in his enter- 
taynment of the Embassadours, one of them hating this 
long detention or imprisonment in Corai ifled; which 
newes Augustine sent to both Courts. From China the 
Legacy was renewed, the Delinquents kindred punished. 
Meane while the two and twentieth of July, 1596. at 
Meaco it rayned ashes, wherewith the houses, hiUs, and 
trees were covered as with snow, and a great myst accom- 
panied it. At the same time at Ozaca and Sacaia it rayned 
sands. At Meaco after the showre of ashes came another 
of haires, long and white like the hoary haires of an old 
womans head, but softer, and not so smelling when cast 
into the fire. In the Northerne Kingdomes of Jechu, 
Jechingo, Scimano, and Nota, the land and houses were 
covered with them. A Comet appeared in August: on 
Earth' quakes, the thirtieth whereof followed an Earthquake as a warning 
to a greater on the fourth of September, which threw 
downe Taicos magnificent Hall with a thousand Tatamos, 
in which hee had purposed to entertayne the China 
Legates; and the Tower of seven lofts, and another 
Tower, and almost all the buildings of the Fortresse, and 
the Store-houses, which were very large, and stored with 
Corne, and halfe the houses of Ozaca, all in halfe an houre, 
sixe hundred people being buried in the ruines. It made 
a noise like Thunder, and like the waves beating on the 




shoare. The Earth opened in many places. A great new 
Temple and a Monastery fell downe, and the same day 
in which the Jesuite had heard a Bonzi in the same Temple 
inviting to call upon Amida, and much depredicating his 
mercies. The next day at Meaco was a noise greater then 
of the greatest Cannons that ever were heard, dreadfull to 
man and beast, and wee said the Letanies on our knees, 
but scarsely could keepe on our knees for the Earth-quake. 
Others forsooke their houses, lamented their dead (five 
hundred being overwhelmed; and fifteene or twenty 
Temples) called on their Amida : and some ranne to 
Fuscimo (Taicos new Citie for him and his Nobles) * 
whereof the best part was ruined, and much harme 
happened in many other places. Taicos Palace at Fuscimo 
fell downe, and oppressed seventy women, himselfe 
escaped into the Kitchin untouched : and the relations of 
that Earth-quake would yeeld a booke alone. Taico yet 
would seem to dominere over Nature, and levell a very 
huge Hill with the Valley, to erect new Palaces. And 
because hee could not entertayne at Fuscimo the China 
Embassadours, he received them at Ozaca. The solemne 
state and pompe I omit. They had audience the twentieth 
of October. 

The Kings Letter was written in a plate of Gold very 
great and ponderous, inclosed in a golden Coffer, wherein 
also was the Vest, and royall Crowne for Taico, and in 
another was a Crown for Mandocorasama his Wife with 
title of Queene. Hee sent also twenty Vests of Quingui 
with title and dignity of China for twenty Lords (the first 
of which was Augustine) by him named, and as many for 
those whom Taico should name. In the Epistle of the 
King were these words, Futatabi cioscen vocasu cotona- 
care, that is. Thou shalt not returne againe into Corai, 
and if thou returnest, thy dignitie shall no longer 
advantage thee, words importing their vassallage to the 
Chinois. The Embassadour and Taico were equall in 
sitting on the Tatamis ; the chiefe Lords of Japon were 
present ; and after the taste of their * Chia, Taico received 


1 541 -1 622, 

policy to kecpe 
all the Lords 
about the 
Court fir 
securities sel- 
dome suffered 
to visite their 


Presents and 

*Chia an herb 
water in all 
and China, 


[III. ii. 327.] 


Fran, Pasius. 



c. 15. §.4. 
Ste of his 
death torn, i . 

A 407. 
Temple of 
Capt, Saris 
told mee hee 
saw it. 


the Epistle or golden plate, and layd it on his head, and 
the Vests, going in to put them on. At his returne the 
Chinois adored him, and a feast followed with pompous 
plenty : which was continued other dayes. But when the 
Legates moved him to pull downe his Forts in Corai, and 
to pardon the Coraians, hee brake into exceeding furie, 
and commanded them backe to Corai, and extruded them 
in great haste out of the Countrey with inhumane usage. 

About this time Peter Martines first Bishop of Japon 
came thither. Taico died Sept. 16. 1598. having taken 
politike order for the State, and as foolish for himselfe to 
be made a God, prescribing the forme of his Temple : One 
was crucified for speaking of his death. Word was sent 
by the Governours which Taico had appointed as pro- 
tectors for his Sonne, to the Japonian Lords in Corai, to 
returne, and so after seven yeeres that warre had end. 
What events followed after in Japon, you may see in my 
Pilgrimage, and somewhat also before in Captayne Saris, 
and Master Cocks relations : Taicosamas posteritie rooted 
out, and Ogasha Sama seizing the Soveraigntie to him- 
selfe. So much harder is it to be a Man then a God, and 
easier to bequeath a Temple and tytle of Camus, and 
divine worship as to a new Faciman or Mars (all which his 
Executors performed and caused to be effected ; his body 
not burned after the wont, but as he had prescribed, put 
in a Chest and translated to that sumptuous Temple, where 
he is worshipped as the principall of all the Cami) with an 
Image erected to him, (seene by Cap. Saris) then to 
bequeath long life to himselfe, accomplishment to his 
Coraian designes, or sure succession to his posteritie, in 
all which hee fayled. But we will with our persecuted 
Jesuites leave Japon, and ship our selves for China. 





§. III. 

Ruggerius enters againe into China with Ricius, 
and is forced backe to Amacao ; thence sent 
for againe by the Vice-roy. Sande and 
Almeida are sent to them, and enter the 
Countrey as farre as Cequion, and returne to 

T is a custome in China, that of all 
Charters granted by the Magistrates a 
copie is kept in the Registrie, and the 
execution, or what hath therein beene 
done, subscribed at the end. The suc- 
ceeding Vice-roy finding the copie of that 
Charter granted to the Jesuites at their 
departure, without such subscription (because nothing had 
beene done therein) wrote to Canton, to the Aitao; he 
(which then was absent) to the Ansam or Hiam-xan, the 
Governour of the Citie, and he being ignorant thereof, to 
the Port-governours at Amacao. They went to the 
Bishop, and by him were sent to our CoUedge where they 
were shewed the sealed Charter: but there being then 
Melchior Carnerus Patriarch of Ethiopia (which expedi- Sup. 1.7. in, 
tion was dissolved) Capralis, Gomez, Pasius, and other •^*^- 
principall Jesuites, it was thought fit, that it should not be 
delivered to the Souldiers, but carried by two Jesuites to 
the Aitao : and Ruggerius with Ricius were therein 
employed, the China Captaines also consenting that they 
should goe to Ansan, thence by the Ci-hien or Governour, Ci-hien a 
to be sent to Canton. This Ci-hien when they came Govemourofa 
thither would have sent it and not them, which they 
refused, whereupon he grew angry, cast it on the ground, 
and commanded them to returne backe; saying, that a 
deposed Vice-royes grant could no way benefit them. 
They went to their Inne, and there consulted to goe with- 
out his leave, deceiving a Ship-master with sight of the 


Hien or Citie, 

I 541-1622. 




said Charter, who tooke them into his ship ; but terrified 
by others, cast them out againe with their goods. At this 
time came a message to the Ci-hien of his Fathers death, 
whereupon (according to the China Custome) he lost his 
office and returned home during his three yeeres mourn- 
ing. They by this occasion, and a weightier cause, 
(money given to the Successour) and the Notaries subtiltie 
in a seeming service to the Common-wealth, were sent in 
manner as prisoners to Canton, as strangers found there. 

The Aitao notwithstanding gave them kinde entertayn- 
ment. They petitioned, shewing, that they were 
Religious men which had passed so many Seas allured 
by tne feme of China, there to spend their dayes: and 
desired nothing but a small piece of ground to raise 
thereon a little house to the Lord of Heaven, and they 
would be further burthensome to none, but procure liveli- 
hood of their owne mens benevolence. They mentioned 
nothing of Christian Religion, lest it might cause 
suspicion, and bee a let to them ; the Chinois thinking too 
well of themselves, that strangers should teach them any 
thing, which they have not already more complete in their 
owne Bookes. Rebellions have also begunne under 
colour of new Sects. The Aitao or high Admirall com- 
mended their desires, but said, it belonged to higher 
Magistrates, and could onely bee granted by the Ciai- 
yuen (the Visitour of the Province) or the Vice-roy. 
They desired that hee would at least let them stay there 
in the Palace of the King of Siams Legates, till the 
Portugals Mart came, and in meane time they would trye 
what they could doe with the Visitour or Vice-roy. This 
hee granted, but the same day repeated, professing that 
he feared the Visitor (if out of Mart-time he should finde 
strangers there) whose censure is dreadfull to every Magis- 
trate. He therefore commanded them presently to packe 
for Amacao. They were comne backe to Ansan, and 
found things in worse case then before. For at the gates 
[III. ii. 328.] of the Citie they found an Edict set up by Co the new 
Vice-roy, blaming the China Interpreters which had put 


Ctai-yuen or 



into the heads of Stranger-priests to learne the China 
language and Characters, and to desire some place for to 
erect a sacred and private house, threatning those inter- 
preters if they persisted. In this dispayre of proceeding, 
they had not beene a weeke gone, when from Sciauquin, 
the seate of the Vice-roy, one of his guard came to 
Amacao and brought the Ci-fu, (so they call the 
Govemour of that Province) his Letters Patents by 
the Vice-royes authoritie, inviting the Fathers to Sciau- 
quin, there to receive a piece of ground for a Church 
and dwelling house. The cause hereof was an offer Momy hrinp 
made by the Fathers (when they were sent away from ^^J"^^^^. ^ 
Sciauchin, by the deposed Vice-roy to Canton) of a prl^^rerthem 
summe of money to any which should procure of the New residence. 
Vice-roy license for their returne. One of the meanest 
Souldiers in name of Interpreter to the Societie had put up 
a Petition to the Vice-roy, who sent it to the Governour 
of the Region called Guam-puon, of Cequion Province) 
to bee dispatched, who gave the former Letters Patents to 
the Souldier, which brought them himselfe to Macao. 
They with great joy, as seeing the Divine hand herein, 
made ready for the journey, which the former expenses 
and late Ship-wrackes (especially of the Japon Ship in the 
He Leuquiceo, which alone hath most of the wealth of the ^^«^«^^^^- 
Citie in it) made difficult ; but Caspar Viegas charitably ^^^&", 
bestowed die expense, seconded also by others. ^'^^^' 

Thus full of hope they set sayle, and in Canton, both 
now and when before they were dismissed from Sciauquin, 
they found Spaniards. Then, a Ship which from the 
Philippinas was bound for New Spaine, was wracked at * 

the He Nan-tau, on the Canton coast; the men which 
escaped were kept in durance: And now, seven or eight 
Franciscan Friars, which had gone from the same PhiBp- ^^f^* ^" 
pinas for Cauchinchina, hearing the King was become a ffj^t*^^^ 
Christian, and in their returne were wracked on the He 
Hainan, and taken and spoyled, and presented to tlie 
Magistrates for Pirats, whose libertie these Jesuites pro^ 
cured, promising all recompence at Amacao. Hence they 



jinno 1583. 



Temple and 
statue to 

Ignoto Deo. 




had set foorth in the beginning of September, 1583. and 
in the same moneth came to Sciauquin, in that Souldiers 
companie, by whom they were conveyed to the Govemours 
Palace, and kneeling before him made request as in the 
Souldiers mentioned Petition had beene contayned, and 
were kindly answered, that they should goe about the Citie 
and spye out some convenient place for their purpose, 
which hee doubted not to procxu-e of the Vice-roy for 

At the same time at Sciauquin, they were erecting by 
the common charge of the Eleven Cities of that Juris- 
diction, a Tower (whereof one floore was now raysed, to 
which they intended to adde nine others above it) in a 
pleasant place by the Rivers side, a myle and more from 
the Citie, the Suburbes continuing further then it. In 
the same place they set foorth a Temple, and therein 
erected a Statue to the Governour, whose sixe yeeres 
government had well deserved of the learned, and of the 
vulgar. A piece of that field in which the flourishing 
Tower (so they called it) was building, they desired, which 
hee liked well, and promised to further them with the 
Vice-roy. The Jesuites at their former departure, had 
left an Altar with one Ciu Nico, who had placed the same 
in a convenient place, for want of Images inscribing above 
it, Thien Chu in Cubicall letters, that is. To the Lord of 
Heaven. Hee made also thereunto divers Incenses, and 
at set times yeelded divine honors before it ; which much 
rejoyced the Fathers, seeing that there was one found 
which invoked the true God. And this man gave them 
entertaynment, till they had received the Vice-royes 
answer, approving their request; and the next day the 
Governour set foorth a plot of ground for them with 
straight caution to observe the Lawes of China, and to 
admit no Strangers companions to dwell with them ; which 
they promised. Much was the concourse and admiration 
of people, much the wonder at their triangle Glasse, the 
Image of our Ladie, a wrought Handkerchiffe, with which 
they presented the Governour ; but hee returned all aftcr- 




ward, fearefull of Bribe-imputation. Much trouble arose Jesuites build 
about that place, and another was assigned them, where ^^^'^f^f first 

they began to build and were forced to pawne their ^J!^'f^^^ 

• °'i.r^i n * r i«* 1 greater. 

precious triangle Glasse, to fit it tor their use ; they 

obtayned also an ample Charter from the Vice-roy, and two 

Patents from the Governour which protected them from 


In these beginnings they made little mention of the 
Gospell, but imployed their spare time in learning the 
Language and Characters, by a Holy life seeking to 
insinuate themselves into the peoples good liking. Their 
habite was like the modestest of the Chinois, a long 
Gowne with large sleeves : Their house had two Cells, and 
betwixt them a Hall with an Altar in the midst, on which 
they set the Image of the Blessed Virgin, carrying her 
Sonne. They called their God, Thien-cui, Lord of 
Heaven ; for the Chinois want the D. which caused that Z>. wanting to 
they could not give any name more fit: and this name Ohinois. 
continueth to this day, although they use others also, as 
Highest Ruler of all, First beginning of all, and the like. 
The blessed Virgin is called the Great Mother of God. 
This Image on the Altar, aU which visited them both l^^&t 
Magistrates, Students, Priests, and common people, did ^^'^W^^* 
religiously worship, kneeling and (after their rite) knock- 
ing lightly the ground with their fore-heads. They 
admired the excellencie of the Picture and colours without 
ceasing. But when it began to bee rumoured, that they 
worshipped a Woman for God, they tooke away that 
Picture and substituted the Image of Christ. After this, 
they painted the ten Commandements in the China 
language, which many approved. Some brought them 
Incense for holy uses, and some bestowed their Almes; 
others also Oyle for the Lampe which burned before the [III. ii. 329.] 
Altar ; and the Fathers commended their Law, as agreeing 
to the light of Nature. The first which was Baptised, was First 
2L poore diseased man cast foorth by his parents, whom they Baptisme. 
instructed, and a little before his death baptised. The 
reliefe which they bestowed on him before, caused a 

XII 273 s 


Fancies of the 

Tables of 

Chinois in 

called Devils, 



rumour amongst the vulgar, that those Strangers knew by 
the mans complexion that hee had a precious stone in his 
head, the cause of all that benificence. The Chinois much 
admired the Bookes, of which the Fathers had store, the 
artificiall binding, gilding, cost, goodlinesse of the Print, 
and their studiousnesse in the Chma bookes ; and received 
with great applause a Booke of Christian learning which 
they printed. Yea, the Govemour after the Cmna rite 
would needs doe them publike honour, which is done by 
sending a goodly Table with Cubitall letters in praise of 
them, with the Magistrates name, and the date inscribed 
in lesse letters. Two of these with great pompe hee sent 
unto them, the one to bee set over the entrance with 
inscription, The house of the flowre of Divine men ; the 
other to bee placed in the Hall, inscribed. The holy Nation 
of the West: which wanne them great reputation, this 
Magistrate being much reputed for learning and vertue. 

Our wants caused Ruggerius to intreat leave to goe to 
Amacao for supply, which hee obtayned with a faire Ship 
and thirtie Rowers. The Governour requested also, that 
a Clocke might bee made for him. But the povcrtic of 
the Amacaons, their Ship not being come from Japon, and 
the Colledge enjoying no Rents, caused him to send the 
workman to Sciauquin, to make it there ; which hee tooke 
in good part. Now the Chinois are a people suspicious 
of Strangers, especially those ruder parts of the Province 
of Canton, and much muttered at the Portugals Com- 
merce, saying, they made all things dearer, and the profit 
came but to few. They gave an odious appellation to the 
Portugals, calling them Devils. To this. Fame had added 
a spurre, reporting that their femous Tower was the worke 
of Strangers, (which had no ground but that their house 
was building at the same time) and the Flourishing Tower, 
was stiled the Strangers Tower. They therefore in 
Ruggerius absence offered great abuses by throwing 
stones, being angrie that they kept their house shut, which 
they would have had made an Idoll Temple, alway open 
to all. One boy in throwing stones, was taken by the 




servant and brought in, but at others request soone dis- Consfiracie. 

missed. Hereupon two neighbours conspired, to set a 

fellow on worke to accuse uiese strangers for seducing 

Children, as they had done this youth his brother, (so they 

agreed) and kept him three dayes, with intent to sell him 

for a Slave at Amacao. The two neighbours offered to 

bee witnesses hereof. The accusation was put up in pitti- 

full manner, and the Governour much moved, the Father 

fetched into Court by an Officer, before hee could have 

leasure to write his answer. The Interpreter had filled 

his sleeves with stones, which hee powred out in Court as 

witnesses of their abuses. The Judge smelt the businesse, 

and by examination of the Tower workman which had seene False accuser 

it, found out the knaverie, and rewarded it with terrible '^^^^ . . 

whipping ; and forbad all abuses to bee offered to them. ^^^ ^ * 

Ricius his skill in the Mathematickes which hee had Mathematicks 
learned, being an Auditor of Clavius at Rome, was no f^^^i^^ 
small helpe to them. They had a Cosmographicall Map intZiucHoH to 
in Europaean Characters, hanging in their Hall, which the the GospeU. 
learned beheld with great pleasure, much desiring to see 
it in China characters, little knowing, as little having to 
doe with the rest of the world. They had Maps pretend- 
ing a Description of the world, but presented onely their 
fifteene Provinces, with the Sea and a few Hands, and the 
names of such Kingdomes as they had heard of, all which 
Kingdomes scarcely equalled one Province of China. 
They now wondred much to see themselves straightned Chinm 
in an Easterne corner of the world, and Ricius at the ^g^or^^tftke 
Governours request, published it in China characters : and ^. .. 
inserted, as hee saw cause, the rites of the world and the j^^p. 
Christian holies. They have a conceit, that the Heavens 
are round, the Earth square, and their Empire to bee 
seated in the midst thereof ; hee therefore so projected his 
Description, that he presented China in the midst. They The world 
that before thought basely of all other men, as if else- ushers the 
where were no King, nor Republike, nor Bookes, began ^^J^ 
to be better conceited of Europeans, and to bee better ^^^* 
prepared for the seed of the Gospell: and might hereby 



1 54 1- 1 622. 

also lesse feare Europaean forces so remote from them. 

This worke hee often revised and corrected, till it came at 

last both to the two Royall Cities, and to the Kings house. 

The workeman at the same time finished the Clocke, and 

both were together presented to the Governour, who at 

his owne cost published the Map, and soone after restored 

the Clocke, because hee had none which knew how to 

order it. 

Buggers The Ship comming from Japon, Ruggerius well 

return, releeved returned, whereby the house was finished, their 

debts payed, and the building with stories, the disposition 

of the windowes, furniture, faire situation on the River 

with goodly prospect, and Europaean rarities, brought 

many, even great Magistrates, to behold it. Ricius pro- 

Ghhes? ^ ceeded to make Spheares of Brasse and Iron ; hee Printed 

LimitauRuIer also Globes, and made Sunne-dyals, which hee gave to 

of im or three the Magistrates. And by his lectures on these subjects, 

M^^'j^J ^ ^^ S^^ reputation of the best Astrologer in the world, they 

rin iT ^^o 1 esteeming others by themselves. The Governour was 

See that Bull, about this time advanced to a higher Dignitie, called Lin- 

/«/./. 2.f. I. si-tau, having the rule of two or three Regions and all the 

Gatne Townes therein, not remooving from Sciauquin: and as 

separates the ^^ Chinois are superstitious observers of Augiiries, he 
subjects of one • j 1 1 1 1 1 1 • ° 1 « • 

Crofvne,tvith- conceived that he prooved the luckier man by this 

out separation familiaritie with our men, which hee signified when they 
of state. Apply came to him, with a present to gratulate these honours. 
^^^^tr^Utw' / ^^ ^'^ Philippinas the newes of the Jesuites successe 
^the^Engftsh^ caused the Governour to send the Treasurer John Baptista 
ami Dutch in Romanus to Amacao, with Father Alfonso Sancius a 
the Indies. Spanish Jesuite, with a Watch and other presents and 
^s^^ttl^uT ^^"^^^ ^^ ^^ Jesuites, to procure an Ambassage from the 
^instruments % ^^^S ^^ Spaine to China. The Jesuites had with petition- 
secukr ing brought the businesse to good forwardnesse, when 

affaires. they received contrary mandates from Amacao, it being 

^^"''^'T^' likely to proove the destruction of that Citie, if the 
yoThaWin Spaniards with their plentie of Silver from Peru and New 
the 9. hoohe. Spaine, should have trade in China ; neither did this 
torn. I. belong to the Spaniards, but to the Portugals, according 




to the Composition betwixt the two ICings made by Alex- 
ander the sixth : and although they are both subject now 
to one Crowne, yet their priviledges remayne distinct 
without confusion. Thus both the Magistrate advised, 
and their superiour the Rector prohibited them to proceed. 
Yet the former working was not ceased by Silence, till the 
Amacaon Magistrates laboured with divers reasons to 
divert the Ambassage. Capralis the Rector was desirous 
to see their house, and they procured the Linsitaus leave, 
so that hee came thither, viewed all, and Baptised both 
the young-man before mentioned which kept the Altar, 
and a learned man which read the China Bookes to the 
Fathers, this called Paul, the other John, the first China 
Converts. Valignanus made Provinciall of India, hearing 
of this successe, sent thither Father Edward Sande, and 
Father Antonie Almeida: and obtained of the Vice-roy 
Edward Menese, an annuall stipend for this mission. 
They came to Amacao in July, 1585. 

At the same time it seasonably hapned, that Linsitau 
was commanded from the Court, to procure of the Stran- 
gers at Amacao, certaine goodly feathers for the King. He 
furnished a faire ship and sent Ruggerius thither, and 
brought with him Father Edward Sande, who went to F.Edw: 
salute Linsitau, and gave him no meane gift of our Com- SamU. 
modities to procure abode, whereof nothing so pleased 
him as a triangle Glasse. Hee gives him leave to stay, 
on condition that they admit no other companion. In 
Linsitaus place had succeeded another of Cequion Pro- 
vince, a great friend of the Fathers, who being to goe to 
Pequin about some affayres of his Office every third yeere, 
was feasted at our house (where the Magistrates were often 
solemnly entertayned) and then offered to carrie one of 
ours with him in his journey, at least as farre as Cequion 
his owne Countrey. They willing to erect some new 
seate, least some disaster might in a moment strip them 
easily of one and all, agreed that Ruggerius and Sande '^f^^^ 
should goe, and received licence for entrmg the Provinces lUmsefir 
of Cequian and Huquan, and places adjoyning. This was Ceqman, 



Strange course 
fir names, 
change their 

Letter to Ed. 
Sonde, Rector 
at Xauchsn or 



the Mart time whither Ruggerius went, and found 
Almeida come thither with the JPortugals. Thither also a 
Brother of Lusitau was gone with much Merchandise of 
Silke, (the most whereof is made in the Cequian Province) 
which the Portugals bought at his price by the Fathers 
intreatie, who therefore tooke the Fathers, his brothers 
friends, to his Citie in Cequian, called Sciauhin, (a name 
somewhat neere the other, but in China a little difference 
prooveth great) the native place of both the Governours. 

The Cninois have a custome to be called by many 
names, and no man calls them by their proper name, (but 
themselves in naming or writing themselves, or somtimes 
their superiours) without injurie: they taking a greater 
name, which others give them for more honour. Now 
the Fathers had yet assumed no other name, but their 
servants called them by their proper name, a thing 
amongst the Chinois reputed barbarous. They therefore 
(to become all things to all, to winne all to Christ) then 
followed that fashion, and ever since at their first entrance 
assume a new Name. Their Journey is thus written by 

On the eleventh of the Kalends of December, 1 585. wee 
departed from Canton. The third day the Ship happened 
to bee on fire, some imputing that unluckinesse to us : but 
without much harme it was quenched. Whiles wee sayled 
through the Canton Province, wee seldome came in sight 
and never went out of the Ship till wee came to Moy- 
limpor. I can therefore relate nothing of that Province, 
but that there were very many Cities, and Townes very 
frequent, and steepe high Mountaines, betwixt which that 
River slideth to divers tracts of the Province stored with 
waters. Wares and Shipping. Every where wee beheld 
sumptuous Edifices dedicated to the worship of Devils, 
and of Ships almost infinite multitude, and of water-Fowle 
innumerable store, and herds of Goats feeding by the 
Woods, to the seventh of the Ides of December. Then 
wee arrived at Moilim a Citie, neere which is the begin- 
ning of that River, whose course being swift, wee were 




drawne by ropes and rowed with Oares against it. Into 
this Citie wee should hardly have found admission, the 
passage being by a Bridge with two Iron chaynes, opened 
onely and shut at the will of the Governour. But our 
Conductor having acquaintance with the Linsitau, wee The Linsiuuu 
had present entrance, hardly able to passe for the multitude brother 
of Ships, there wayting. Wee were there well enter- ^fi^^^^y • 
tayned, and on Sunday and Munday sayd Masse. On 
Tuesday wee went to a Citie eight miles distant, there 
regaining the commoditie of another River. All that way Anotherriver. 
was paved with stones; in which we passe a Mountaine, Way paved 
on the top whereof was an arch with an inscription of his andfofuhus. 
name, who had facilitated that way, otherwise difficult. 
The weather was unseasonable, rainie and cold, perhaps 
because the whole way in manner was Mountainous. I 
doe not remember that ever I saw way so frequented, not 
then when Merchants resort to publike Faires : for all the 
Merchandise from Nanquin, and the places adjoyning are 
brought hither. Also the Merchants which inhabit the [III. ii. 331.] 
remotest Cities in that way, on both sides had Partners 
for the conveying of their Wares, very fitly ; for our Con- 
ductor had nothing to doe but to deliver one hundred 
and fiftie Packes of Wares with other provisions for the 
way, to his Hoast, which all hee should find in his Innc 
in the next Towne. These Partners also provide Horses 
for the Servants and Scats for the Masters to bee carried in ^eats and 
by two Porters defended from the Raine by Sumbreros, ^,f^^ '* ^^ 
or Shadowes which they carrie in their hands. When hee ^^ '^^y^^- 
had passed halfe the way, wee changed our Seats and 
Porters, and had others to the Inne ; to these nothing is 
due but some small gratuitie, the Hoast beeing paid for 
all : and a Seat is at as easie a rate here, as a Horse in our 
Countrey, with great commoditie and frequencie of Innes. 
In the Evening we came to the Towne Faquen, and staid Fauquen. 
there two dayes, such concourse of Citizens comming to 
see us, that we were almost over-whelmed, and were glad 
to get a ship-board on Friday. On Saturday we sailed 
downe the streame, fifteene dayes continuing our course, 




in which wee hired three Barkes, in one of which we only 
were carried. On both Bankes many and faire Townes 
walled about, present themselves to the view of Passcn- 

Great Cities gers, seeming as bigge as Canton, which made mee 

thicke. meditate of the facilitie of conveying the Gospell in these 

parts, we making all this way with as great tranquilitic of 
bodie and minde, that wee might in the ship pray or studie 
and doe other things as commodiously, as at home. 

On the sixteenth of the Kalends of January, we came 
to a most frequent Citie far greater then Canton, where 

Metropolitan the Tutan or Vice-roy of the Province Chiansi resideth. 

CiHe of It is high walled divided into three parts, a River flowing 

Chumsu thorow with a Bridge of Barkes, joyning two parts of the 
Citie. On this Bridge customes are paid, but our Conduct 
being the Lancitaus Brother passed without search. And 
although we feared to be examined by the Magistrate, yet 
no man troubled us, they being not so inquisitive in other 
parts as in Canton Province, about strangers: yea, they 
entertayne them more honourably everywhere then your 
Worship at Xauchin. About halfe a mile from this 
Bridge another River joyneth with this, which nmneth by 
the other side of the Citie, and makes the third part of 
the Citie. I wished the Fathers a Colledge in this place 
both for the fertilitie of the soyle and holsomnesse of the 
Aire. Having provided necessaries for the rest of our 
Journey in this Citie, wee went aboard and in the space 
of sixe or seven dayes going downe the streame, we 
beheld on both sides very goodly Woods, and many Piles 
of wood on the Bankes necessary for those cold Regions, 
and holding on our course passed by seven Cities, or more, 
famous for greatnesse and Merchandise : and on Christmas 
Even came to the greatest Citie of all Chiansi, where wee 
staid that night for that Solemnitie. But hee which then 
was borne exercised our patience with a grievous North- 
wind, whereby the River water (otherwise cleere) was so 

jlllthistoayis ^^^^^^^^ ^'^^^ ^^ Christmas day wee could not drinke it. 

a/^rent in ^^r the Rivers course is North-ward, which therefore by a 

the new Map. North- wind is so moved. 




The next day sailing by a Citie which by the sight we 
judged greater then Lisbone, in one dayes passage mrther, 
we came to the way which leads to Nanquin, where divers New River. 
Rivers joyning together make a kind of Crosse with great 
commoditie for Trade and passage. For a Barke well 
defended against wind and weather, convenient for two 
Gentlemen with their Servants and baggage, may here be 
hired for twentie or thirtie dayes, at an easier rate then a 
man shall pay for Horses from Coimbra to Lisbone. For 
from Canton to Moilin fifteene dayes journey, for a ship 
which carried two hundred Packes of Merchandise of 
divers kinds, we paid but nine Taes, and seven for these Nine TaeU. 
three which wee hired for twentie dayes more. After 
that, leaving the Northerne way which goeth to Nanquin 
or Lanquin, wee turned West-ward against the streame, 
yet with benefit of the wind favouring us, we went fifteene 
and sometimes twentie * miles a day : in which space *These miles 
sailing by very large fields we arrived at a Citie where raire ^f'^^/^^ 
Porcelane is made, thence carried into India and Europe, ^^j^^^ 
Wee passed by many Woods also and some Cities. The leagues, 
cold meane- while was so great, that one day all was covered Cold Region, 
with Snow. The River decreased, and on the third of the 
Nones of Januarie, they unladed the Merchandise into 
ten lesse Boates, and sailed two dayes, wee came to a large 
Citie, to which wee had entry by a Bridge borne up with 
fiftie painted Barkes. 

On the Nones of January wee came to Gouli, a Citie at 
the end of our Navigation by that River. Here in cele- 
brating Masse wee were thronged by the multitude. And 
a Priest of the Idols invited us, which then performed to Papists and 
his Idols Ceremonies at his House, Altars there erected, & Paynims 
Priests invited, & Hymnes used, where he and those Bonzi ^^^^^^^ 
used us kindly. Here wee observed that the Devill 
coimterfeited the Ceremonies of the Catholike Church. 
We went thence by the foot way carried in portable seats 
as before sixe or seven miles : and then entred the Pro- 
vince of Ciquion, at the Sun-set entring the Citie Cuixion. Ciftdon. 
On the Ides of Januarie we againe went a ship-board Cuixion. 




New River, 


holding our course by another River which in that Citie 
first beginneth to be Navigable, the slow streame lin^ring 
with us three dayes, in which yet we saw eight Cities, 
about which we found unmeasurable quantitie of Oranges, 
very high Hils abounding with Trees and under-woods, 
betwixt which that pleasant River sweetly slides, receiving 
from every place new Tributes of waters that it proovetn 
now as large as that of Canton Province. And although 
China have name of fertilitie, yet here appeared some prints 
of Japonian sterilitie. For in five dayes space we could get 
nothing but Rapes and Rice, and a little fcsh. On the 
eleventh of the Kalends of February, we passed by a large 
Citie twice as great as Canton, as those which knew the 
Region affirmed : for we by reason of Snowes and Mists 
could see nothing but some high Towres. At Sunnc 
going downe wee came to a Towne, against which a Bow- 
[III. ii. 332.] shot distant on the other side of the River, wee were forced 
to take a new ship, and causing our ship to bee drawne (a 
light hanged out at the Mast) the next morning we came 
to the Citie Ciguion, the end of our journey. In this 
Citie, which as Father Rogers (or Ruggerius) is wont to 
say, is a type and representation of Venice, God hath pro- 
vided us of a good House, on one side having the Citie, 
on the other the River for prospect, with convenient 
Roomes and a Garden, and a fit place for a Chappell. On 
both sides of us dwell Idolatrous Priests, which yet use 
us kindly, and daily come to heare our Doctrine, as doe 
others in great multitudes, that we cannot yet avoide their 
frequent concourse to heare and see us. To the chiefe 
of them we shewed our Altar erected to the Immortall 
God, which they beheld with great reverence, worshipping 
the Image of our Saviour. And the greatest Magistrates 
were so affected with our Christian Ceremonies, that they 
said they would not suffer us to depart. Some of them 
invited and entertayned Father Rogers : one of them of 
farre greater ranke then the Governour of the Citie, who 
then mourned for his Mother, and invited us by his 
Steward to her Funerall Solemnitie ; whom we answered 


Sciauhin or 
Ciquion Kh 


1 541- 1622. 

that our Prayers avayled not but to the worshippers of the 
true God. He used the Father with very great respect, 
giving him the higher place at table, and accompanying 
him at the parting to the utmost gate of his Palace, seem- 
ing much delighted with the Mysteries of our Faith. 
Three others greater then the Governour have comne to 
visit us, and others come so frequent that it is troublesome. 
The Priests also give us good lookes, whatsoever they 
thinke. The .^Edifices both publike and private, the 
streets and Lanes of the Citie are larger and fairer then 
in the Citie of Canton. The Citizens also in gravitie of 
manners, and civilitie of Habit, differ not a Tittle from 
the Inhabitants of Canton and Sciauchin. There is no 
Citie in Portugall, Lisbone except, that is any way for 
greatnesse comparable. The singularities I shall write at 
another time. Ciquion the fourth of the Ides of 
Februarie, 1586. 

The Provinciall of India writ to the Generall that at Provincials 
their returne to Xauchin they found fortie Christians ^l!!^'^: ^^^^^ 
added to the Church, which number in those beginnings compared to 
in the ample and barbarous Kingdome of China, may be 40000. 
equalled to fortie thousand Christians in the Japonian Japonian 
Provinces: from Goa 14. Kal. Jan. 1587. Converts. 

§. IIIL 

False Brethren and others accusations detected, 
they are expelled Sciauchin : erect a Seat at 
Xauceum. Monasterie of Nanhoa, and other 
things of note in those parts. They alter their 
habit ; Voyage to Nanquin ; the Lake, Rivers, 
Idols and other Rarities. 

jjlcius cals that Citie where they resided Sciauhin, 
and saith, it is a principall Citie, though not the 
Metropolitan of the Province, noble in commerce, 
in scituation (in the midst of a fresh water Lake) in wits 
and learned men. They baptized there Linsitaus Father 




and two or three Infants, which then dying they thrust into 
Heaven at unwares. Sixtus the Pope granted a great 
Indulgence to the Societie, to further the Japonian and 
Chinese businesse : and Aquaviva the Generall sent them 
three Watches and an artificiall Clock, which was great, yet 
mooved by wheeles without waights, and strucke also the 
quarters to the great admiration of the Chinois. Others 
CoelRus first sent Pictures, one the worke of Caspar Coelius who first 
teacher to taught the Japonians and Chinois the European Painting 
pamt. ^^ ^j^^ great good of both Churches. But the Kinsmen 

of Linsitau seeing such flocking to the Fathers grew 
suspicious of danger, and caused them to bee recalled, and 
Linsitau also to be estranged from them. Also one 
Tansiao-hu a great acquaintance of Linsitau, with purpose 
to get somewhat fi-om the Fathers, questioned Ruggerius 
Vutan a holy why hee had not seene Mount Vu-tan in the Province of 
place haunted Hu-quam, a famous resort of Pilgrimes ; who answered 
tfy tgntnes. ^^^^ ^^^ durst not without the Magistrates leave: I will 
procure it, saith hee, and did so. In the way Ruggerius 
went to the Mother Citie of Quam-si, where hee visited 
one of the Royall bloud, not knowing that such have 
nothing to doe with the State, and was not admitted, but 
bidden first to goe to the Vice-roy, to whom he went and 
had no injury, nor yet wonted humanitie, but was bidden 
to prosecute his Pilgrimage and not to stay there. Lin- 
sitau hearing of this, sought to shift his hands of them^ 
and with much adoe they obtayned that two might bee 
permitted to stay in their house. 
NewConverty Another danger happened by one Martin a new Coii- 
a false Knave, yert which had made two other Converts beleeve that the 
Fathers could by a certaine herbe turne Quick-silver into 
silver, and by that meanes maintayned themselves. Now 
the Chinois being exceedingly affected to that Alchymisti- 
call vanitie, these gave money to buy a Wife, and other 
costs to that false brother who undertooke to learne of 
Father Ruggerius and to teach the other two that Science. 
And having gotten what he could of them, he also 
borrowed the Triangle Glasse of the Fathers, with which 



hee ranne away. The Governour one day desiring to sec 
it, they told him who had stolne it, and he sent an Officer 
which found him out and brought him bound. Hee, to 
bee revenged of the Fathers, accused one of them of 
Adultery ; and the Husband of the pretended Adulteresse 
(partner in the Conspiracie) put up a Petition against [ni.ii.333.] 
Ruggerius, who upon inquisition was found at the time 
named to have beene in Quam-si, two moneths journey 
thence. The Accuser hoped to get some-what, being 
poore, to stop his mouth, which they refused utterly, and 
hee for feare fled, together with his Wife. The Father 
was judicially cleered, and Martin in his presence received Martin 
twentie cruell stripes, and condemned to the Gallies, was «'^(^'^^^ 
sent to Linsitau who had first committed him to confirme 
the sentence; who added sixtie stripes more, and being 
beggered and cast in bonds he was forsaken of all his 
Friends, and (the Fathers meane-while releeving him) 
dyed within few dayes of the wounds. He which had 
gotten the Glasse from Martin, another Convert, came and 
restored it to them, lest it might breed him danger being 
found with him. 

Linsitau was preferred to a higher dignitie in the Pro- Manner of 
vince of Hu-quam. To him the Citie had erected a ^^''^^^^^'^ 
Temple, and on the Altar had set his Statue ; before the 
Altar a great Harth for burning incense: Candlestickes 
were also magnificently placed ; and at his departure the 
whole Citie there visited him, and after their rite, pulled 
off his old Boots (Bootes are the ensignes of Magistracy) 
and put on new, putting the old in a Chist, and locking 
them up to bee reserved for a monument of his worth. 
Ruggerius went to Amacao, and Matthew got leave for 
Father Edward the Superiour to returne to Sciauquin. 
The new Converts which had lost their moneys by Martins 
death, devised new tumults against the Fathers; the 
River (which is a mile broad) overflowing, damnified the 
houses of the Citie, whence grew occasions of new abuses 
to Ours. The Visitour endeavoured to procure Legation j^^ ^fj^ i„^ 
from the Pope to China, and Ruggerius was sent to Europe Europe, 




on that businesse, which tooke little effect by the death of 
divers Popes ; hee spending the rest of his life at Salerne 
in the Kingdome of Naples. 

Ricius was alone a good while, till Almeida came to 
him. His Clocke, by the Diall to the eyes, and by sclfe- 
striking to the eares, caused no little wonder. But a new 
calumnie much endangered them made to the Ciai-yuen. 
Priviledged For certaine old men of Canton, which are honoured for 
old men. ^^iVit in their whole lives they never have accused anv, 
nor beene accused of any, enjoying therefore a yecrely 
feast out of the publicke treasure, a peculiar Vest, and 
I'^jr elegant divers other immunities, put up a Petition, admonishing 
^^tt^' ^^ ^^ ^^^ danger of the Amacaons, and especially those Spies 
Riciusltoolonz ^^^^^ ^^^ builded houses of divers stories, and every 
Jbr this place, day proceed with new arts, giving money toward the 
building of Scianquin Tower to get entrance into that 
Citie, sayling to and fro without impediment, dangerous 
to the State. This is that which our Bookes forc-tefl, Yec 
have sowen thornes and nettles in a gentle soyle, yee have 
brought in Serpents and Dragons into your houses. That 
of Amacao is like a sore on the hands or feet easily cured 
at leasure, but this of Sciauquin, an ulcer seizing on the 
breast and heart timely to be remedied, &c. The Visitour 
reputed a severe man committed it to the Haitu, and at 
last it came to the Governour of Sciauchin, who then being 
at Pequin to performe the customary trienniall visitation 
to the King, Phan his colleague (our friend, then Lieu- 
tenant) assisted us with his Counsell, and they gave their 
Glasse to the new Linsitau, who ended the quarrell with 
the Visitour, as being a false calumnie. 

The two Marts provided them of exhibitions and 

European Presents from Canton, and their Clocke, Mathe- 

matike Instruments, Geographicall Maps, Pictures, and 

Bookes, with Musicall Instruments, had procured them 

. much visitation, and much estimation of Europe, and some 

tleTrexmC ^^^^ thereof in Conversions. Neither was this Station 

tion by service unprofitable to Amacao, helping their affaires with the 

to the state. Magistrates, in businesses with the Vice-roy, in cases of 




shipwrackes, in reducing fugitive slaves. It happened at 

that time the Vice-roy dying, his Successour would not 

through superstition enter his Palace till hee had pulled 

It quite downe and built it anew at the Kings charge. 

Meanewhile spending his time in Canton Province, he 

was made against us and banished us. But the Magis- Jesuites 

trates being our friends, and order comne then from Pequin banished, 

to buy Scarlets of the Portugals, F. Mat. Ricius was 

employed, and got their good liking, but not leave by 

any meanes of the Vice-roy to stay at Sciauchin. Yea, 

hee forced upon the Governour the execution of his 

Mandate to packe them away, offering money for the 

house, which they refused to take, saying, a house built Jesuites house 

for Gods service might not be sold, and it were ill merchan- ^^^' ^^- 

dise to take sixtie pieces of Gold for sixe hundred which ^J^^J^ ^ ' 

it had cost them. china is a 

When they came at Canton the Admirall was absent, great summe, 
and whiles they waited for him the Vice-roy sent a Barke 
for them to returne, and then permitted them to chuse 
any other place of residence. Ricius chose Nanhium in Nanhium. 
the Province of Quiansi (or Quamsi, or Chiansi) which 
hee refused not, but wished them first to trye at Nanhoa, 
or at Xauceum, commending them to the Assistant of the Xauceum. 
Governour thereof, then present, and gave Ricius a bundle 
of bookes of his owne acts in token of good will, who 
thanked him with his fore-head to the groimd, after their 
fashion. They departed from Sciauchin on the Assump- 
tion day, 1589. They came to the place called Sanceui, 1589. 
or Three-waters, where the Rivers of^ Xauceum from the 
North fells into a great River : there they use to change 
ships, to have others fitted in other fashion to sayle against 
the streame. In eight dayes sayling to the North, they 
came to the place where the Govemours servant stayed for 
them to bring them to the Temple or Monasterie of 
Nanhoa, part of which the Vice-roy had given them if ^<««^ 
they liked it. This Monasterie they found in a goodly ^^^"^'^ 
Plaine, environed with pleasant Hills, enriched with hand- Menkes. 
set fruit-bearing trees, watered with a Riveret in the [in. H. 334.] 



Lusus Legend. 

profiteth RttUy 
I. Tim. 4. 8. 






Lusus Shrine. 


midst : the goodliest Hill, graced with a plentifull Foun- 
taine, was the Seat of the Temple, a great pile ; nigh which 
was the Monasterie wherein a thousand Priests (by the 
impious piety of the Ancestrie, Lords of that ground) had 
their abode. 

The originall thereof was a man which lived about 
eight hundred yeeres since, called Lusu, who is reported 
to have flourished in great reputation of holinessc, by 
reason of his austere course of life ; with a chaine girded 
to his bare flesh, wonted to sift Rice, and to beate it 
lightly after their manner, as much as served for the daily 
food of a thousand Monasteries. With that chaine his 
flesh putrified, so that wormes bred therein: of which 
if any happened to fall to the ground, he placed it there 
againe, saying, Hast thou nothing to eate.^ why doest 
thou runne away.^ There is his carkasse preserved and 
that famous Temple built to his worship, to which is 
concourse of Pilgrimes out of all the Kingdome, every- 
where he and all his being much reputed. These 
Ministers of the Devill are divided into twelve Stations, 
each having his Superiours, and over all an Abbot. 
When the Father came thither sent by the Vice-roy, they 
supposed hee had come to be their Abbot and to reforme 
their abuses ; for they not only had their Concubines and 
Bastards, but robbed by the high-wayes. Now all the 
IdoU Priests are as subject to the Magistrates as other 
men; perhaps because their Learned esteeme not Idols, 
nor account these their Priests. Yet with China dissimu- 
lation they gave the Fathers faire entertainment with 
much pretended joy, and oflSciously offered all at their 
Service, making them also a Solemne Feast, and then 
shewing them the chiefe places of their Monastery. They 
were full of great Idols of Brasse and other Metals, and 
of wood gilded. In one Station were told five hundred. 
There were also many Steeples and Bels of Metall cast, 
one such as they had never scene in Europe to their 

The bodie also of their Saint, Lusu, was shewed, all 



1 54 1- 1622. 
shining with that their China bituminous Vernish (so 
vulgarly thought, and preserved with incredible venera- 
tion, though many deny it to be his bodie : ) In the midst 
of the Temple is an eminent place to which they ascend 
by neate steps, in which hang about fifty Lampes, but 
not all burning except on set dayes. The Chinois mar- 
velled at the Fathers doing no worship, a thing usually 
performed by those Chinois, which otherwise repose no 
confidence in those Idols. They both agreed ; the Chinois 
Monkes to bee rid of their feare, and the Fathers to goe 
to the Citie. 

At their departure. Father Almeida went by water, and 
F. Matthew by Land with the Governours Servant, the 
Abbot bearing him companie. He there told the Magis- 
trate that he liked not of the Temple, because the men 
had an ill report as unsafe Neighbours, and hee worshipped 
one God, and not Idols. This amazed the Governour, poUy ofSelfi- 
perswaded before, that there was in the World no other pleasing. 
Law nor Characters then theirs, till Father Matthew pulled 
forth his Prayer-booke. The Abbot also testified that 
hee had worshipped none of the Idols, no not Lusus selfe. 
At last, the Governour was perswaded by him, that that 
of Idol-worship was a later Sect amongst them ; yea, the 
Abbot aflSrmed, that they deserved no worship, but that 
former Magistrates had observed that without Idols the 
vulgar womd not keepe Religion, and therefore set up Jfply to 
these to be worshipped. They visited all the Citie Magis- /w^jgf' . 
trates which used them with more courtesie then those ^^f -^ 
of Sciauchin. They went also to another Temple or Confesseand 
Monasterie called Quamhiao, on the other Westerne side be hanged. 
of the River, and carried their goods thither till they were 
provided of a House. 

The Citie Xauceum is seated betwixt two Navigable Xauceum 
Rivers which here met : the one which passeth by Nanhium described. 
on the East, the other running out of the Province of ^^^'*^- 
Uquam on the West. But the Citie wals and Houses 
are builded in the midst of the field, but they are forced 
by the straitnesse to build also on the other-side the River, 
XII 289 T 


Jesuits new 

Scholer of 

[III. ii. 33 5] 



joyned with a Bridge on Barkes. It contayneth five 
thousand Housholds is fertile but unholsome, the third 
or fourth part of the Inhabitants being sicke of a Tertian 
from October to December, which takes away many, and 
leaves a pale Impression on the rest. Strangers also are 
no lesse arrested by it, when they come thither on busi- 
nesse. And the Jesuites had almost lost themselves in 
this new pxirchase, where being recovered they had a 
Charter from the Vice-roy to build their House in groiind 
belonging to the Monasterie. Thither the Visitor sent 
them Sebastian Fernandus and Francis Martinez which 
had beene trayned up in the Schoole of Amacao, the first 
Probationers in China. They to avoid expense, built 
this House of one Storie after the China manner: and 
soone liked better of this then their former Residence. 

Chiutaiso (the sonne of one of the second ranke of 
Magistrates called Sciansuic, a man famous, as being the 
first named of the three hundred Doctors made every 
third yeare, and Author of Learned Workes) had spent 
his Patrimony after his Fathers death with Prodigalitie 
and experiments of Alchymie : and now was forced to 
shift, with his Wife and Servants wandering thorow the 
Kingdome to his Fathers Friends, and becomming a 
SoUicitor for other men to the Magistrates of his acquaint- 
ance. Hee having obtayned of the Vice-roy a Roome in 
that Monasterie became Neighbour to the Fathers; and 
one day with set Pompe (after the China custome) and 
precious Gifts came to Father Matthew, and chose him 
for his Master. It was not safe for the Father to refuse 
(though he requited his gifts, lest he should seeme to 
have oeene brought thither by covetousnesse) and first 
taught him Arithmeticke. For that which the Chinois 
have is with a Linnen Instrument whereon Beads are 
put by wires, and shifted hither and thither to reckon 
their numbers : certayne, but subject to Error, and unpro- 
fitable to high Sciences. He read to him also the Sphere 
of Clavius, and the first Booke of Euclides Elements, 
and taught him to make Sun-dials of many sorts, and 



I 541- 1622 

Geometricall Rules to measure Altitudes. He being of 
subtile wit, committed these things to writing in elegant 
stile, and shewed them to Magistrates of his Acquaintance, 
so procuring great opinion and admiration to the Jesuits. 
His wit and exceeding industry brought him to great 
skill, that hee made Spheres, Astrolabes, Quadrants, Com- 
passes, Dials and other like, very artificially, and some 
of silver: withall so setting forth his Master and the 
European Learning, that it proved of no small conse- 
quence. By his meanes the Fathers had acquaintance with 
Fimpithau a Military Commander, with the Governours 
of the Citie and divers other Magistrates. Almeida fell 
sicke and was sent to Macao, to see if Physicke might 
recover him, and there dyed. 

Ricius set forth a goodly Image hitherto unseene, on jinlmaggset 
the Altar adorned with Waxe Lights, which brought such fi^^, ^^ 
concoxirse to see it, that their envious Neighbours stoned ^^^' 
the House and Servants by night: whereat Chiutaiso 
offended acquainted the Governour, which had before 
set his Decree over their doore prohibiting all wrongs. 
He called the Street Governoxirs (as Constables with us) 
and was likely there to have scourged them, pretending 
their ignorance, and putting chaines about their neckes SevereJustid 
after the fashion, sent them to seeke out the wrong doers, 
and bring them to his Tribunall. They fearing to anger 
their Parents, durst not name them, till he commanded 
to whip the one and send the other to Prison, whereupon 
they named two, whose punishment with much intreatie 
of the Father was pardoned. Father Francis de Petris, Fran, ie 
was sent (by the Magistrates License obtayned) to succeed Petm. 
in Almeidas place. The Vice-roy was then preferred by Vice-roy 
his Friends procurement and Bribes to a higher place, ^f^^^^- 
but the Provinciall Visitor had so complained of his 
wrongs, that by the way hee was acquainted that hee was 
deprived of all Office, and fined at forty thousand pieces 
of Gold to the King. Besides, a filthy Ulcer brake out 
of him, and soone after he miserably dyed. Thus did God 
punish his pride, which to erect a Temple to himselfe at 










Sciauchin, had deprived the Jesuits of their House. The 
fame at Sciauchin was that the Jesuits were expelled for 
refusing to teach the Vice-roy the Arte of Alchymie. 

One Cosunhoa a Merchant of the Citie Taicho in 
Chiansi, abode in Nanhiun, and had some fortie persons in 
his Family, a very Superstitious Idol-worshipper, in whose 
service hee macerated his whole life in that China 
abstinence from Flesh, Fish, Egges, and Milke, living 
only of Pulse, Rice, Herbs, and certaine Cakes, industrious 
for his salvation in another life, but not satisfied with 
any of the China Sects. He had learned by Chiutaiso of 
the Jesuits, and came to Xauceum and acquainting Father 
Ricius with his purpose, he was instructed and baptized 
Joseph. He stayed with them a moneth, and after Ricius 
went to Nanhiun to him, and preached and baptized ten 
others. Theeves by night assailing their House, the 
Governour was made acquainted, who would have them 
indited by the Fathers (which they did very sparingly, 
whereas the China manner is to adde excessively) and 
he put them to torture ; and forced them to confesse : one 
whose Hat or head covering falling off had bewrayed 
him, he condemned in Capital sentence; the other to be 
sent to the Gallies, or amongst the Kings Slaves: which 
sentence was to passe to Superioxir Governoxirs, and so ta 
Sciauchin, and Father Ricius must goe thither about it, 
which happened well for the new Converts which had 
for the most part growne wild. From thence he went ta 
Amacao to speake with the Visitor, and returned ta 
Sciauchin, where the Parents of the theeves procured him 
their Advocate which should have beene the Plaintiffe. 
Amongst the China Magistrates is one which hath his 
name of Pardoning punishments : Hee is sent in the Name 
of the Queene Mother, into each Province one. Their 
Office is to visit Prisons, to exempt the smaller offenders 
and to mitigate Sentences ; for which the Magistrates hold 
them in great esteem. But hee would not succour these 
men, though the Father intreated. The Provincial! 
Visitor only remayned, who alone doth last of all revise 



1 541- 1 62: 

the Sentences, and they despaired that hee would revoke 
the judgement of seven or eight Magistrates. Hereupon 
they conspired fiftie of them conjoyning in an impious 
Sacrifice in a certayne Temple to expell ours from 
Xauceum. But none of the Magistrates of the Citie 
subscribing (except one, who did it, to offend the Fathers 
greatest friend) they better bethought themselves, and 
intreated Ricius to be their Intercessor; whereby the 
Visitor was perswaded to pronounce them Dicers and not Rioters. 
Theeves, and to exchange their sentence into twentie 
stripes apiece. For the name of Theeves would have Theft 
beene an ignominious brand to them and to their Kindred iff^ominwus, 
for ever. Yet would they have renewed their accusation 
to the Visitor, but he would not heare them. About that 
time the President of the Court of Rites at Pequin, passed Peqmn 
that way towards Hainam his Native Countrie, who hear- President. 
ing of Ours (which he did not to the Visitors) visited them 
with gifts, and spent a whole day with them, promising 
at his returne to carry Father Matthew to Pequin with him 
to correct their Kalendars. 

In November 1594. Father Francis de Petris dyed, and 
Father Lazarus Cataneus succeeded, Ricius bethought him 
of another course : for howsoever they had shaken off the 
name of Bonzi, yet because they shaved their beards like [III.ii.33^ 
the Portugall Priests, and cut their hayre, and lived single, ^^^ 
had their Temple and set prayers, they could not free pl^j^^ 
themselves of that infamous title which made them unfit Ethnike 
for greater Designes. Hee advised the Visitor, that by priesu Bke 
this meanes they were accounted as the IdoU Priests, and shaving and 
that it were fitter to let their hayre and beards grow, and h^^^- 
to weare the habite of the Learned men, each of them 
having a garment of Silke to visit the Magistrates, without 
which they might on equall tearmes amongst the Chinois, 
•conferre with them: also that it was fit to remove their 
residence from this unwholsome ayre of Xauceum, or to 
divide it. To all these the Visitor yeelded, undertaking Jemtesalte 
to acquaint the Generall of the Order and the Pope. For their habiu, 
howsoever for vertue and learning (wanting to their Bonzi) 




the Magistrates had alway shewed countenance to Ours, 
yet the vulgar held them in that vulgar respect ; neither 
might the Magistrates breake their custome, to give them 
equall entertaynment. Nor did they now beare them- 
selves for Learned men of China, but for European 
Learned, imitating the habite of that Countrey. 

The next yeere, 1595. the Chiefe Judge of the Councell 
Sctlau. of Warre, by the Chinois called Scilaii, which is farre 
above the dignitie of Vice-roy, (who before had after divers 
Dignities betaken himselfe to a private life) upon occasion 
of the invasion of Corai, was by the King of China (which 
sent in defence thereof an Armie of eightie thousand) 
called backe to the Royall Citie. Hee had a Sonne of 
twentie yeeres old, who for griefe that he had lost the first 
degree of their Students, lost his wits. Hee sent a 
Captayne for the Fathers, thinking they could recover his 
Sonne which he had with him, and gave them such enter- 
taynment, that the Magistrates were amazed. He caused 
a Charter to bee given to Ricius for going to Naugau, 
chiefe Citie in Chiansi, where hee hoped to doe good 
Mount on his Sonne. He passed Mount Moilin, which lyeth 
Mutnm or betwixt the two Provinces and the two Rivers, a dayes 
sup Ex ^^ journey, and the most notable thorow-fare in the whole 
Almeida, Kingdome. For at the foot thereof to the South, the 
River of Nanchiun becomes navigable, which runneth 
into Canton and the South Sea. On the other side of 
the Hill at the Citie Naugau, ariseth another great River, 
which visiteth the Provinces of Chiansi and Nanquin, and 
many Cities before hee enters the Sea Eastward. Thus 
what comes from forraine Kingdomes to Canton, is this 
way conveyed to the in-land Kingdomes, as also from 
those hither: Horses and seates, or Chayres for carriage 
on mens shoulders. Beasts for carriage and Porters, being 
almost innumerable every day, yet all in good order. The 
Mountayne is common to both Provinces, which are dis- 
tinguished by a Gate erected among the stonie precipices. 
All the way is set with Trees, paved with stones, frequent 
with Hostries, as secure by night as by day, both by 




the guards of Souldiers, and frequencie of Travellers: 
neither are their over-flowings by raynes. On the Hill 
top is a neate Temple, and therein a Garrison, both 
Provinces thence offered to the view. Naughan signifieth Naughan. 
the Southerne Inne. Hee went in one of the Presidents 
Ships, till hee came to the Citie Canceu ; by the way often 
entring into his owne Ship and discoursing with him of 
European affayres. Sciences, and Religion. But so many 
visitations for Magistrates hindred all dealing with his 
Sonne in this journey, so that by his Father it was deferred. 

In this Citie Canceu, resideth a Vice-roy greater then Canceu. 
the Vice-roy of that Province, they call him the Vice-roy Great y ice- 
of foure Provinces, Chiansi, Fuchien, Canton and Uquam : ^^^^ 
not that all those Provinces are subject to him, but because president. 
hee governeth two adjoyning Regions, or lesse Provinces 
out of each of them. The cause of appointing this Vice- 
roy extraordinarie was, the multitude of Theeves in those 
parts, which bordering on so many Provinces, could not 
easily by ordinarie course of Justice bee apprehended; 
whence two Regions out of each were committed to one, 
who by Militarie forces repressed those insolences. And 
because the militarie Magistrates are subject to that 
Councell of Warre at Pequin, the President was heere 
received with greater State : above three thousand men stately enter- 
were sent to meete him a league off, with their Captaynes, taynment. 
Colours and Armes, many with Hand-gunnes mixed, 
shooting off as he passed, making a faire show on both 
sides the River, which there is not very large. When 
hee was come into the Citie, the Vice-roy with other 
Magistrates visited him with Gifts, Provisions, Banquets ; 
and some companies were set to guard the Ships : which 
was also done every where, such is the China veneration 
of such Magistrates by their inferiours. Heere was a Boat-Bridge. 
Bridge of Boates, opened but once a day for Ships passage Sciepathauy 
which have payd their customes. ^^^'^ ^8- 

After they were past this Citie, another River addes ^g^l^l^^JL 
it selfe to this, whence they come into a place called ^ tj^f ^pace 
Sciepathau, about thirtic miles long, in which are many flow into it. 






Kings Posts. 

The Glasse 
esteemed a 
great Jewell^ 
given to Scilan. 

Metropolis of 


Rockes dispersed, on which the impetuous force of the 
water causeth many ship-wrackes, goods lost, and men 
drowned ; and requireth expert Ship-men ; a strange thing 
to see a River full of shelves and sharpe rockes, in the 
midst of the continent. In the entrance of this dangerous 
passage is an IdoU Temple, wherein the passengers 
devoutly commend the safetie of their fortunes to these 
vanities, which Scilan also heere did in vaine : for although 
with multitude and industrie of Saylers his Ship avoyded 
the Rockes, yet was that broken in which his Wife and 
Children were carryed, though they escaped drowning, 
by reason of her high building, every one getting up into 
the highest decke, which lifted up it selfe above those 
shallower waters. They cryed pittifuUy, and Father 
Matthew having then gotten a Boate for himselfe came 
first and received them, going himselfe into another lesse, 
which went before to conduct the way. Scilan sent for 
another Ship presently to Canceu. Father Matthew was 
taken into another Ship of burthen, which was in a gust 
overthrowne, John Barradas his boy was drowned, and hee 
hardly recovered : the Commodities by dyving were gotten 
againe, though much hurt by the water. They came to a 
noble and populous Citie called Chiengan, where the winde 
by night was so violent, that it dispersed all the Fleet, 
which hardly escaped wracke. 

Scilan terrified with this disastrous passage by water, 
purposed to goe by land to Pequin, which is done at the 
Kings cost ; in certayn places there being Horses, Lighters, 
Porters, provisions ready provided. Now thinkmg to 
send backe Ricius to Xauceum, least some might accuse 
him in a time of warre for bringing Strangers to the Court ; 
hee shewed some the wonders of his triangle Glasse, which 
hee was willing to give the President if hee knew he 
should hold on with him in the Journey. They acquainted 
their Lord, and hee gave him license to goe to Nanquin, 
and to enter those two Provinces of Cequion or Cechien, 
and Nanchin or Nanquin. Hee was carryed thither with 
two of Scilans servants, still having Souldiers from all 




places to guard him, they thinking that some of his Sonnes 
were there carryed. When hee came to that Mother Citie 
(for before hee seldome went foorth, to prevent all lets) 
which is in twentie nine degrees, to the Northermost part 
of the Province, hee made shew of himselfe as one of 
Scilans houshold servants: and not knowing whither to 
goe to deliver his Letters, hee first went into a Temple 
of note, which beares name of the Iron Pillar. For they TAh seemes 
fable that one Huiunsin, had some hundreds of yeeres agree with 
agoe, brought perfect Silver out of Quick-silver, and had ^^^/^,^ 
delivered this Citie from a huge Dragon, whom hee over- suf.pag. 27-^ 
whelmed in the ground, and tyed to that Iron Pillar, and 
then flew with his whole house. Mice and all, into Heaven. 
The building of this Temple is worthy the view, against 
which are perpetuall Faires, in which nothing is lacking 
to bee sold. The Priests are those which they call Thausu, 
which let their hayre and beards grow. When hee entred 
that Temple, much concourse of people came about him 
to see a Stranger, a strange sight there, yea, reputed holy, 
for they had thought that the fame of that IdoU, had 
brought him thither from farre Countries. But when hee 
did no worship thereto, hee was admonished to doe that 
which the greatest Magistrates refused not ; then threatned, 
after they would force him, till one of the Ship sayd, hee 
worshipped no Idols. But seeing the multitude still flock- 
ing about him, he returned to the Ship, and signified that 
hee came with the President, whom every man knew. 
The servants visited their Masters friends, and received 
gifts of some, especially of the Vice-royes Physician. 

Scarcely had they sayled out of the chiefe Citie, when 
they meete with a Lake admirable for the greatnesse and Admirable 
other things : on all the bankes as farre as a man can ^^\J^^ ^ 
see, are innumerable Townes, Castles, Villages, great ^Qi^tUu: 
Houses; thence they may passe into Fuchien, and thence this perhaps \ 
to the Sea Eastward. Amongst other Townes there is that 
one Citie called Nancan, at the foot of a Hill called Liu, ^^^P^f ^« 
in which Hill are divers Anchorites, each in his owne Cell, ^^^ yr^^^ * 
macerating himselfe with afflicting his bodie. Those place. 




Houses are sayd to bee as many, as are dayes in the yeere : 
and they tell as a miracle, that the Sunne shining cleere 
round about, that Hill is alway covered with Clouds and 
mysts; so that that Hill (so neere) cannot bee seene out 
of the Lake. The course of the River is to Nanquin, 
but in that breadth the streame hath small force, and easily 
may with the winde bee sayled any way. After you are 
out of the Lake, a great River of Uquam Province, 
runneth thither and therein loseth his name and waters. 
River Tamsu For the greatnesse, it is thence-forward called Yamsu, 
^L ^v i^*^' which signifieth, the Son of the Sea, being in many places 
LaTe ^^^ °^ three myles broad, dangerous also for tempests 

like his Father, and they say the waters are so whirled 
therein, that swimming can little profit those which fall 
thereinto. The Chinois sayle it with great feare, and are 
there often wracked. Great Ships sayle therein, and 
happely our Ships (not the greatest of all) and our Galleyes 
might sayle hitherto from the Sea. Many other Rivers 
pay their tributes to it. They sayle it not by night, but 
betake themselves to some Port, which they may readily 
doe also in a storme. To this Lake the Spring-tydes at 
Change and Full come, at other times not observable : at 
Nanquin every day, but it is fresh water. When hee was 
come to Nanquin the Presidents servants left him. 

[III. ii. 338.] §• V. 

Nanquin described ; Ricius expelled thence, hee 
setleth at Nancian, thence goeth to Nanquin 
againe, and to Pequin ; description of it, the 
way thither, the Kings Palace, and of Suceu, 
and Hamceu. 

{which Polo 
calls Quinsay) 
described. It 

Anquin or Nanchin by the Portugals is called 
Lanchin : for they heard of it by the Inhabitants 

^^^^ ^^ of the Province Fuchian or Fuquian, which use 

was then L for N. It is called also Intienfu, because the Governour 

greater^ as of the Region there resideth. This is that Citie, which in 




the Chinois opinion excelleth all Cities of the world, both being the 
in greatnesse and goodlinesse : neither may many be com- ^^^ '"^ff" 
pared to it. For it is foil of very great Palaces, Temples, ^^'^J^J 
Towers, Bridges, which all yet are exceeded by those of Carres 
the same kinde in Europe. It excelleth also in tempera- together have 
ture of the ayre, fertilenesse of the soyle, goodnesse of diminished it: 
wits, gentlenesse of manners, elegance of speech, multi- ^fJ^i l 
tude of inhabitants of every ranke, of People, and decaying and 
Learned, and Magistrates : these also holding equall ranke drying up; or 
with those of Pequin, in number and dignitie, howbeit not rebuilt 
by the absence of the King, that equalitie is made un- ^^'" ^^ 
equall. And so in all the Kingdome of China, and the expelled. 
bordering Kingdomes, it is commonly (all things con- 
sidered) judged the first or chiefe Citie. It is compassed 
with three Walls; the first, that of the Kings Palace 
exceeding stately. That is also compassed with a three- 
fold wall, in manner of a Tower, with ditches filled with 
water. It hath foure or five Italian myles in circuit. And 
I dare boldly say, that no King any where hath a more 
excellent Palace (not if you weigh particulars together, 
but) comparing all things. The second wall encompasseth 
the Palace, and the principall part of the Citie, opened 
with twelve Gates, which are fortified with Iron plates, 
and Ordnance planted over against them within the Citie. 
This second Wall comprehendeth eighteene Italian myles Second WaU 
compasse. The third Wall and uttermost is not every ^^^^ ^^^'* 
where continued, but where need is, Art hath added ^^^^^ ^^' 
supplyment to Natures fortification. 

The circuit thereof can hardly bee knowne. The Citie wall two 
Inhabitants say, that two Horse-men in a whole dayes dayes journey 
riding, having gone out of the same Gate, met together ^ honebacke, 
at night : whence the prodigious quantitie may bee 
observed, especially the forme of the Citie being Circular, 
and therefore most capable. Although within the walls 
are great spaces of Mountaynes, Lakes, Groves, Gardens, 
yet the greatest part is very fi-equently inhabited. The 
garrison Souldiers (which one would not beleeve, had not Garrison 
eye-witnesses confirmed it) which keepe the Citie alone, 4oo<^- 



In 32. or 32. 
degTMy 15. 





are fortie thousand. The Pole is elevated 32. degrees, 
and so it is seated in manner in the midst of the Kingdome, 
from North to South. The River runneth by it at the 
West, exceedingly both enriching and beautifying it. Nor 
doth it onely passe by, but is in many places brought into 
the Citie by Channels (whereby greater vessels may enter 
the Citie) being enlarged by Art. In times past it was 
called the chiere Citie of the Kingdome, and may seeme 
to have beene anciently more glorious. 

Ricius went a-land in the Suburbe, which is without 
the three Walls, and is so large and frequently inhabited, 
that it may seeme another great Citie. There a Physician 
of the Vice-roy of Schiauchin knew him, and hee visited 
the Vice-royes sonne, and by his meanes grew acquainted 
with others. When he went into the Citie, hee used to 
bee carryed in a close Chayre, to prevent noveltie, and 
for more authoritie, and because the length of the way to 
friends houses often required it. There hee thinking to 
fixe a residence, learned of one Sciutagin a Magistrate of 
his former acquaintance, to whom hee had before given 
a Globe and an Hoxire-glasse, receiving promises of much 
kindnesse. To him he went full of hope and not emptie 
handed : but hee being both miserably covetous, and 
ambitiously hunting after new places, was offended with 
his presence (hee pretending that he came to see him) sent 
for his Hoast, and threatned him terribly, causing him 
to ship away his new Chest ; having also agreed with the 
Notarie of his Court to give evidence against him, as a 
troublesome and dangerous man formerly expelled from 
Sciauchin. Thus against the streame both of his affection 
and the River, is Ricius forced (loath to displease Magis- 
trates) to returne to Chiansi Province. In the way full of 
thoughts, hee had a vision (as the Storie sayth) in which 
God appeared to him, and promised to bee propitious in 
both the Cities Royall to him. 

In Nancian the chiefe Citie of Chiansi hee abode. This 
is as great in circuit, but not in Merchandise as Canton, 
and though none of those portentuous great Cities, yet 




is it famous for the number of Learned men, which thence 
are advanced to divers parts: the people are thriftie and Fast from 
contented with little, and many of them observe that first flf^KMj 
aforesayd. Of the Learned men there is also a Societie, ^^' ^ 
in which on set dayes the more learned doe Lecture or 
discourse touching vertues in very modest manner. The 
Physician aforesayd, famous for his Art and well respected 
by the Vice-roy, was visited by him. Hee now used his [III. ii. 339.] 
Silken vest and Cap used by the Learned, somewhat like 
but higher, then that which Priests in Spaine weare, (for 
he had learned to keepe state and not to deject himselfe 
too much) and carryed two servants with him in long 
garments made of Callico, and his gestatorie Chayre : with- 
out which pompe a man cannot bee taken for a Learned 
man, the poorest Students using them, and otherwise 
contemned. The Physician entertayned him kindly, and 
after invited him to a Feast, where were many Students, 
and some of the Royall bloud (of which that Citie hath M<my of the 
very great store) which were glad of his acquaintance ; and Royall bkud 
when he had once mentioned his staymg there, the ^* ^ancian. 
Physician was so eager in desire thereof, that he feyned 
that the President Scilan had written to him, to procure 
him residence there, because in the former abode he had 
not his health. The Chinois esteeme such lyes to bee China lying is 
wisedome. Hee soone got credit amongst them by prudence. 
Mathematicall lectures and instruments, and by his arti- 
ficiall memorie especially. For the Chinois above all 
others commit whole bookes to memorie with unwearyed Ricius Ms 
paynes, and in the first yeeres of their studies doe nothing arttfidall 
else. He repeated the most confused and independant ^*'^^- 
Characters in order, yea, backwards as well as forward. 
Many desired to learne it, and some hee entertayned. 
Physicians being of no great authoritie, he sought to 
insinuate into favour of the Magistrates ; but a certayne 
Student had counselled him to neglect their license, and 
thereupon enquirie being made by the Vice-roy, this his 
friend and landlord very fi-iend-like, would needs throw Fortune 
him suddenly out of doores, and hee was forced by force friend. 



Chiengan and 
Longafty Kings 

Rictus his 
China Boeke 
of friendship. 

Token of 


to defend himselfe. But the Vice-roy having received a 
Libell from him, testifying who he was, greatly rejoyced 
(having heard of him) and when hee came to his Court, 
arose from the Tribunall to meete him, would not suffer 
him to kneele, and gave him good usage and magnificent 
Titles, inviting him also to reside there. Whose affec- 
tions were aner kindled into a greater flame by his 
Physicians, magnifying his Mathematickes, Memorative, 
Bookes, three square Glasse and other novelties. The 
Vice-roy would have him make him a Dyall, and teach 
his Sonnes, but for that admirable Glasse, hee would by 
no kinde force accept the gift. 

And whereas time out of minde many of the Royall 
bloud are there, two of them having the tytle of Kings, 
Chiengan, and Longan, sent their principaJl Servants or 
Courtiers, to invite Father Matthew to the Palace, which 
is fitting to Royall Majestic, both for Greatnesse, magnifi- 
cence of Building, pleasxire of Gardens, and other furniture 
of houshold and attendance. Chiengan first invited and 
entertayned him, attyred with a Royall vesture and 
Diadem. Father Matthew gave him a Dyall with the 
Signes of the Zodiacke, and a Globe with China characters, 
and other Europaean commodities ; which hee recompenced 
with Silkes, weight of Silver, and divers viands. Nothing 
gave him such content as two Bookes of Japon paper, 
smooth and hard bound in Europaean manner: one con- 
tayning Maps and other Mathematicall representations, 
with an explication in their Language ; the other was a 
tractate of Friendship, wherein Dialogue-wise (as Cicero 
in his Laelius) hee bringeth in the King, questioning what 
the men of Europe thought of Friendship, and set downe 
the sentences of Philosophers, Doctors, and other Authors ; 
a worke to this day read there with great applause and 
admiration. Printed in divers Provinces. Chiengan con- 
tinued his fi-iendship and left it as a legacie to his Sonne, 
who used when the Father visited him, to pay the Porters, 
and to give money to his servants, a token with them 
of great welcome. The Societie also of Learned men 




grew acquainted with him, and the chiefe of them, hearing 
him complayne of multitude of visitors, wished him to 
command his Servants to say hee was not at home : which 
officious lye he affirming to bee by our Law unlawful, 
bred in him and the rest much wonder. 

In the meane while at Xauceo they sustayned abuses. Cavils. 
and Sebastian Fernandus was used ignominiously by the 
calumnies of their quarrelsome neighbours, and sentence 
of a partiall Judge, which caused two Servants to bee 
whipped unheard, and Fernandus to stand as in a Pillorie, Pillme hoara 
with his head in a board an ell and halfe square, therein 
a hole fitted for the necke, to bee opened and shut ; so 
that a man cannot put his hand to his mouth : and this 
forsooth for beating the Bachellors. This was written as 
the cause of his punishment. Hee afterwards sought the 
Jesuites favour, ashamed of his fact, invited them, and 
set up an Edict for their safetie. Fernandus was sent 
hereupon to Ricius, and Cataneus continued alone without 
any Father, till the yeere 1597. and fell sicke : then going 
to Amacao (Father John Axoccia was sent in his place) ArtKcia and 
hee returned with Father Nicholas Longobard a Sicilian. Longpbardus. 
Father Matthew was appointed superiour of the China 
mission by the Visitor Valignanus, without subjection to 
the Rector of Amacao. To him precious watches were 
sent, and Images with other things, which might further 
their China proceedings, the Portugals of Amacao con- 
tinuing their liberalitie herein. 

Father Matthew minding to trie all meanes to peerce 
to the Court, assayed Chiengan in vaine, who feared to 
raise any suspicion of himselfe. Hearing therefore that 
Guan (which had as you heard) visited the house of 
Xauceo, in his way to Hainan, was thence called by the 
King to Nanquin to bee President of the first Councell, The Counseh 
called Li Pu, that is, the Councell of Magistrates: in his I^^Pusocalk 
way at Nancian they visited him with a present, (in which ^a^'^^^tes 
nothing so pleased him as the trigone Glasse) and tooke 
opportunitie to signifie to him, their desire of presenting 
the King with some Exiropaean rarities. Hee approved 


1 541- 1^22. 

[III. ii. 340.] 

Cttstome of 
names in 
Anno 1598. 

IVriting well 
in China 
brings credit 
and gaine. 

Fice-roy of 
Nanquiny a 
lover of 


thereof and sayd, they should not onely goe with him 
to Nanquin, but to Pequin also; whither within one 
moneth of his comming hee was to goe. Ricius with 
Cataneus attend him (leaving two ot the company at 
Nancian) with two brethren of the company, Seb. 
Fernandus, and Emanuel Pererius, of China parentage 
in Amacao: who of their God-fethers take usimlly both 
Christian name and Sir-name, using also their China names 
in dealing with Chinois. They set foorth from Nancian 
on Midsummer day, 1598. and when they were come to 
Nanquin they found all full of feare, by reason of the 
Japonian warre in Corai, so that none durst give us enter- 
taynment, grievous Proclamations having lately forbidden 
to receive men any way suspicious, by occasion of Japonian 
Spyes taken. Even the President himselfe, feared to bee 
author in so troublesome time of bringing Strangers: 
and Ricius when he visited him, used his Gestatorie seate» 
They gave eight pieces of Gold to a cunning Clerke to 
write their Petition (so deare doe Learned men there 
prize their laboxir) which when they gave the Chancellour 
(which sends Petitions from Nanquin to the King) hee 
would not meddle with it, but put it off to the President, 
that hee should carrie them with him to Pequin. He 
being to bee there to gratulate the King at his Birth day, 
in name of the sixe Tribunals or Counsels, sent his goods 
by water and the Jesuites with them, but went himselfe 
by land. 

When this President came to Nanquin, other Magis- 
trates visited him with presents after the manner, and 
one the Vice-roy of that Province with a Map of Ricius 
his invention, concealing the name of the Author in a 
new impression ; which nee shewed to Ricius, who soone 
knew and challenged his owne. This the President inti- 
mated, that the Author was going with him to Pequin. 
Hee presently sends the Captayne of the Souldiers, to 
desire the President that he might have sight of a man 
whom hee so much admired ; sending withall a Chayre, 
and Porters with Horses also. For the Vice-roy of 




Nanquin resideth not in Nanquin, because in that High 
Coxirt are higher Magistrates, which would seeme to 
eclipse his Greatnesse. So Cataneus went with the Ship, 
Ricius to the Vice-roy, whom hee saluted with European 

fifts. He stayed with him ten dayes, so great desire he 
ad to conferre with him. And when hee shewed him Honour to an 
the Image of Christ, he would not take view of it there, ^^^g^' 
but would first ascend to a neate Chappell which he had ChaffeU. 
on the top of his House, therein after the rites of their 
Learned, to worship Heaven ; with three doores to it, 
from the South, East, and West : about it round was a 
Gallerie distinguished and cancelled. There he caused an 
Altar to bee erected, and thereon Wax-lights and Incense 
to be fired; and then the Image being set thereon, hee 
came in his most sumptuous attire and did worship foure 
times, after their accustomed rites : after which hee would 
not stand before it but besides it, to take view, which 
hee did a good space. After him, his familie did likewise : 
and every day they reiterated the same, one also being 
appointed to keepe perpetuall Odours burning before it. 
Hee brought other Magistrates also to see the same : and 
when he might not detayne the Father longer, he sent 
him away with great weight of Silver, which came fitting 
to their necessitie. Hee gave advise also touching their 
designe, and told them of that frustrate successe which 
followed. He went with him to the River, and sent one 
with him till he had overtaken his companion. The 
Chinois call that River Jansu-chian, Chian signifying the CIdan or 
greatest River; other Rivers they call Cho. Quian. See 

That River of Nanquin which I called (Yamsu or) Jansu, ^^^ '*^ ^' 
the Sonne of the Sea, goeth Northward to Nanquin, and i/^^L^. ^ne 
then returning somewhat Southward, runneth into the Sea cut from it for 
with great force; fortie myles from which it passeth by Pequin. 
Nanquin. And that from hence to Pequin there might 
bee passage by Rivers, the Kings of China have derived 
a large Channell from this to another River, called the 
Yellow River, such being the colour of that troubled TeUoa River 
water. This is the other famous River of that Kingdome, '^^ ^ ^^A 
XII 305 u 


1 541- 1622. 

in greatnesse and note, which ariseth without the King- 
*Su£A conjee- dome to the West, out of the Hill Cunlun, conjectured * 
an^'oo ^^ ^^^ ^^^ same whence Ganges ariseth, or one neere to it. 

in Pinto o/tAis Where it first breakes foorth, it maketh a Lake which they 
Lakeseemeili call of the Constellations: thence it pierceth into the 
gmmded. borders of China in Sciensi, the most Westerly Province, 
^c^ulLi ' ^'^^ goeth out againe out of the Northerne walls into 
the Tartars Countries: after which it returneth to the 
South, and that Province whence it had come, and washeth 
another Province named Sciansi, and another named 
Honan: then txirneth into the East and entreth the 
Easterne Ocean, not farre from the Sonne of the Sea. 
This River against their lawes for Strangers, entreth China 
from Barbarous Regions, and as in revenge of their malice 
to Strangers, often over-floweth great part of the King- 
dome, and shifteth his Channell being full of Sands which 
Maffstrates it mooveth. Certayne Officers or Magistrates designed 
s^rificetothe j^g sacrifice thereto, or to the Spirit of it (for they set 
Spirits over divers things) with many rites: and they 
fayne that it cleeres the troubled waters, but once in one 
thousand yeeres, whence it is proverbiall of a sild-seene 
thing. When the yellow River shall bee cleered. They 
that sayle therein, must therefore keepe the water many 
dayes till it setleth, the third part proving myre and sand. 
Before the ingresse and egresse of this River, are Channels 
which give passage to Ships that carry provision to Pequin. 
1 0000. Ships Those Ships are sayd to bee ten thousand, sent onely out 
§fth^ Kings of five Provinces, Chiansi, Cechian, Nanchin, Uauam, and 
P^^^j Sciantum. For these Provinces pay their yeerly tribute 
in Rice and Corne ; the other ten in Silver. Besides these, 
there passe innumerable Ships of Magistrates and of 
private Merchants: but private men are forbidden to 
goe out of the Hiansu into those lesse Rivers (those onely 
[111. ii. 341.] passe which dwell within such Rivers to the North) lest 
the multitude of Ships should hinder the passage, or bee 
able to doe harme to Pequin. Yet is there such store of 
Ships notwithstanding, that they are forced to stay some- 
times divers dayes, one hindring another, especially at 




some seasons when water is scarce, for remedie whereof, 
they have lockes and flood-gates, which opened make way 
from one to another of them, with great labour and tedious 
lingring. The crossenesse of windes and labours of draw- 
ing with ropes, I need not mention. Some ships are 
overwhelmed at the opening of those lockes. They have 
woodden Engines on the bankes to draw the ships of Cnmes to 
Magistrates, at the Kings cost, against the streame all draw ships, 
the way. And in fitting this River to Navigation, a 
million is spent yeerely ; the feare of the Sea and Pyrats, Tempestuous 

have made them take this co\irse rather then that by ^ff^ ^^ 

"^ Pyrats on thai 

In all this way, many Cities most worthy note appeare, pi„to, 
of the Provinces Nanquin, Sciantum, Pequin, and besides 
the Cities there are so many Townes, Villages, Houses on 
the bankes, that all the way may be sayd to bee inhabited ; 
so that the Saylers no where want to furnish themselves 
with Corne, Rice, Fish, Flesh, Fruits, Hearbs, Wine and 
the like, at a very cheape rate. By the same River, Wood, 
Timber, Boards, Pillars (for the Chinois make reckoning Timbers for 
onely of those of wood) are carryed for the Kings workes : ff^ ^j»& 
especially, then when the Kings Palace had beene on fire, ^"^^^^P- 
which consumed two parts of three thereof. In all the Two thirds oj 
JoxuTiey, ours found great rankes of Timber-trees tyed ^^ Kings 
together, and of other wood, which many thousands of ^^^^^^^^h 
men drew with huge toyle, and scarcely could get forwards '^ ^^^' 
five or sixe myles in a day, and from the Province Suscuen, 
which is furthest from the Court, such Timber-trees were 
in going up, two or sometimes three yeers space : whence 
every pillar made of them prodigiously arose each to 
three thousand pieces of Gold : and or those Timber- 
rankes they encountred one, seeming longer then the rest, 
which was esteemed to reach two myles in length. The 
Bricks also (which the Chinois preferre before Stone) for Brichs pre- 
the Kings Palace, were carryed this way fifteen hundred forred to stone. 
myles, and many Ships had no other use, so many as 
might seeme sufficient, not for a Palace but a great Citie. 
Out of the Southerne Provinces, are yearely sent those 



Stoifter ships 
coiled Horses, 

Heat and cold. 




They come to 


things which in the more barren Provinces of Pequin are 
wanting ; as Fruits, Fish, Rice, Silkes, Cloathes and other 
things : and a day is set them, at which if they bee not 
there, they incurre grievous penalties. Of the Ships called 
Horses, the Kings Eunuches have command. By this 
River they sayle almost onely when the Rivers swell over 
their bankes, peradventure by the melting of the Snowes 
from the Hills whence they spring. By the heate in that 
Joxirney of a moneth, and sometimes two moneths, the 
viands which they carrie, are often corrupted before they 
come to Pequin, for which cause they coole them with 
Ice, and in all those wayes much Ice is preserved for that 
purpose, and distributed to the passengers, and so ail 
things are carryed fresh to the Court. 

The Eunuches of those Ships, sell emptie roomes to 
the Passengers for their gayne: for the Chinois thinke 
it a glory to send that which goeth to the King in many 
ships, & not to give them their full lading, which is also- 
profitable for that sterilitie of Pequin, Merchants by these 
convenient straights making nothing to want there where 
nothing growes. Ours hyred a roome in like manner 
for their ease. By reason of the great heat they all fell 
sicke, yet by Gods helpe recovered. When they were 
to passe out of the River, in the Province of Sciantum^ 
they met with a hand-made River, which runnes out neere 
Pequin, to the Tower Tiensin. Another River from 
Pequin or rather from Tartaria, meetes it, and runnes: 
together with it into the Sea, or into that Bay, betwixt 
Corai and China, after they have runne together one day^ 
In this Tower there was a new Vice-roy extraordinary^ 
by reason of that invasion of Corai from Japon. Hee 
provided a huge Fleet for defence of Corai, by which- 
meanes that whole River was full of Ships of warre and 
militarie tumult. Ours went thorow the thickest of them 
without let, and at length came to the Port or Banke rather 
of Pequin, which banke is a dayes journey from the walls 
of Pequin. And although by Art they have made a huge 
Channell to the walls, yet lest it should bee filled with. 




multitude of Ships, they suffer none but the Kings 

burthens to goe that way, the others being carryed by 

Carts, Beasts, and Porters. They came to Pequin on a 

festivall day, the Eeven of the Virgins Nativitie. 

The chiefe Mart Townes in this way were Jamcheu in Jomcheu. 

Nanquin Province, in thirtie two degrees thirtie minutes. 

Hoaingan in thirtie foure not all so much ; Sinceu in Hoasngan. 

thirtie foure degrees thirtie minutes. In Sciantum ^*^«^"^- 

Province Zinim m thirtie five degrees fortie minutes. Zinim. Licin. 

Lincin in thirtie seven degrees fortie minutes. In Pequin 

Province Tiencin in thirtie nine degrees thirtie minutes. 

Pequin in fortie large. They are deceived which elevate 

it to fiftie. Now from Canton (which is two dayes from 

Amacao) are of China furlongs (five of which make a 

mile, and fifteene a league) by River to Nanhiun, one Lenpk of tie 

thousand one hundred and seventie. Thence to Nancian «'^- 

^eleven hundred and twentie. From that to Nanquin, one 

thousand foure hundred and fortie. And thence to Pequin 

three thousand three hundred thirtie five, in all seven 

thousand sixtie five : which makes of miles, one thousand 

foure hundred and thirteene. 

PEquin is situated in the Northeme border about one [III. ii. 342.] 
hundred miles from the wall against the Tartars. 5'^*^w 
Nanquin exceeds it in greatnesse, composition of the comparedwitk 
Streets, hugenesse of Buildings, and Munitions : but i^anqmn. 
Pequin exceedeth it in multitude of Inhabitants, and of 
Magistrates. To the South it is compassed with two 
walls high and strong, so broad that twelve Horses may The toalis, 
easily runne abrest on the breadth without hindering one 
the other. They are made of Brickes, save that on the 
foot it stands all on huge stones, the midle of the wall is 
filled with Earth : the height farre exceeds those in Europe. 
To the North is but one wall. On these walls by night 
is kept as vigilant watch as if it were time of warre : in fVauh and 
the day Eunuches guard the gates, or rather exact Tributes, ^^rd. 
"which is not done in other Cities. 

The Kings Palace riseth within the inner Southeme Palace, 




wall, neere the City gates and extends to the Northerne 

walls, seeming to take up the whole Citie : the rest of 

the Citie running forth on both sides: It is some-what 

narrower then the Palace of Nanquin, but more goodly 

and glorious; that seeming by the Kings absence, as a 

Streets, carkasse without soule. Few of the Streets are paved 

with Bricke or Stone, so that in Winter dirt, and dust in 

Summer, are very offensive : and because it raineth there 

seldome, the ground is all crumbled into dust, and if any 

wind blow, it enters every Roome. To prevent which 

they have brought in a custome, that no man of whatso- 

Jllgpeand ever ranke goeth on foot or rideth without a Veile or 

rUe veiled. Bonnet hangmg to his brest, of that subtiltie that he may 

see, and yet the dust not annoy him: which also hath 

another commoditie that he may goe any whither unseene, 

so freed from innumerable tedious salutations, and also he 

spares attendance and cost. For to ride is not magnificent 

enough with the Chinois, and to bee carried in their Seats 

is costly, with Attendants especially ; and in that time of 

Warre it fitted with oxirs to passe unknowne, being 


Commoditie of Muletters Stood at the Palace, and City gates, and in 

MuMet^^ every Street to let Mules, themselves also attending the 

Hirers whether they would in the City; which leading 

the beasts by the bridle, in that frequencie made way, being 

also skilfliU of the wayes, knowing most of the great mens 

Booke of Houses : all at a reasonable rate. There is a Booke also 

Pequtn. which truly relateth all the Streets, Lanes, Regions of the 

City : Porters also with Seats to carrie Men, and Horses 

are every-where found, but dearer then at Nanquin, or 

other places. 

See Polo sup, ^11 things are to bee had in abundance, but brought 

thither and therefore dearer. Wood is scarce, but supplied 

with Mine-coles (we call them Sea-cole) necessary to that 

Region, cold beyond what the Climate usually exacteth : 

their Beds are so made with Brick-workes, that they by 

a new kind of Stoves admit the heate of those Coles : a 

thing usuall in all those Northerne Regions. These 



1 541- 1622 

Northerne Chinois are some-what more dull, but better Chincy 
Souldiers then the other. Here they learned that this Cathay. &. 
Kingdome is Cataio, and the King of China the great * 

Can, and Pequin Cambalu. 

For the nine Kingdomes (of Mangi) are those Southerly 
Provinces which are under the great Kiver Jansuchian, and 
sixe upon it make up the fifteene, so great that some one 
of them is as great as all Italy. Anno 1608. whiles we 
write, it is fortie yeares since two Turkes or Moores out 
of Arabia brought to China a Lion (a beast seldome here 
seene) by Land, which had an Office given by the King 
to them and theirs, to keepe the Lion, and that they should 
carry no Tales thence. They in conference called this 
Kingdome great Catay, and this City Cambalu ; the like Cambaiu the 
we heard of others which had comne from Persia. The ^^ff "^aT'^a 
Chinois also have heard of that name, and still call the ^ ' *'* 
Tartars Lu, and the North parts Pa and Pe : to which 
Can the Tartarian Title added easily makes Canpalu or 
Cambalu with others ; for the Chinois seldome use B. and 
Marco Polo comming in with the Tartars called it by 
their name. And at this time without the walls of China is 
found no Catay. The Portugals called it China, borrowing 
the name as may be supposed from the Siamites, and hence 
Cosmographers made them two Kingdomes. But Goez Goez sup. 
his Journey by Land to Catay hath taken away all scruple. ^^A 4- 

To returne to ours now come to Pequin, the President 
gave them entertainment, and procured an Eunuch to 
undertake the businesse for the Presents, which were a 
Clocke, two Pictures, two Trigone-glasses and a Bell : all 
pleased the Eunuch, but his mmde ranne more on making 
Silver of Quick-silver, which he had heard they could Akhymie and 
doe, and which would bee more gratefull to the King. ^^^ <:^^tise. 
And when he saw that would not be undertaken, neither 
would he undertake to acquaint the King, in this time of 
Corayan Warres ; and oxirs also were taken for Japonians, 
or neere unto them, they not knowing how by true names 
to distinguish Nations. The President also began to be 
fearefuU and purposed to carry them backe with him to 





Languagjg and 

[III. H. 343.] 


Ric, gpeth by 

Siueeu and 

Coach of one 


Nanquin. Yet they staid a moneth after him (he being; 
at a certaine day by Law to depart) and when they had 
tryed all wayes in vaine, none daring to acknowledge 
Strangers, they returned to Nanquin. They had a Bill of 
Exchange from Amacao to take up money at Pequin, but 
the Merchant had plaid the Merchant and Chinese too, 
none such there to be found. They hired a ship at an 
easie rate for their returne (because they goe empty) but 
not easie in this respect that the Owners povertie made 
the Journey tedious for want of helpes. This benefit they 
made of this Journey to learne the Language better, 
making a Dictionary, observing their Accents with Points 
devised ; (that speech consisting wholly of Monosyllables, 
the want of skill in those Accents had caused that they 
neither did, nor were understood) Cataneus skill in 
Musicke helping to distinguish those sounds. What 
course Ricius and he instituted, that the Company still 
observe in their Writing. 

All the Rivers in China use to be frozen in the beginning 
of Winter, that ships cannot passe by water, and Carts 
by Land are safer. They agreed that Father Matthew 
should goe by Land with two Servants, to try if he could 
settle at Nanquin, the rest and the burthens to stay till 
the River were thawed. He purposed also to goe to 
Suceu whither Chiutaisu had often invited him, being his 
Countrey. Passing thorow Sciantum, he visited Siueeu 
and Yamceu famous Marts, and passing the River Yamceu, 
at Chinchiamfli, the chiefe City of that Province hee entred 
into a hand made River, by which is sailed to Suceu and 
to the chiefe Citie of Cechian Hamceu. This River being 
Southerly and neere frozen over, is so narrow that multi- 
tudes ot shippes cloy it so somtimes that they cannot 
passe forward or backward. He was forced therefore to 
go by another way, which is a Coach or Wagon of one 
wheele, so builded that one sitting in the midst, and two 
on the sides, the Coach-man behind with woodden Leavers 
or Barres drives it forwards both surely and swiftly ; that 
in short time he came to Suceu. 




This Noble Mart is one of them whereof is the 
Proverbe, That which is in Heaven the Seat of the 
Blessed, that in Earth is named Suceu, and Hamceu : in Suceu 
splendour, wealth, frequencie remarkable. It is built in descried. 
a calme fresh-water River, and quite thorow one may goe, 
as in Venice, by Land or Water, but herein it excelleth Another 
Venice that the water is fresh. The streets and buildings ^^^^^ 
stand upon piles of Timber, the Wares from Amacao and 
other parts are most sold here. It hath one gate to the 
JLand, the other are water-wayes. The Bridges are 
innumerable, & Magnificent, Ancient, but of one Arch 
in those narrow Chanels. Butter and White-meates are 
plentie. Rice, and the best Wine, which thence is carryed 
to Pequin and other parts. It is scarsly two dayes from 
the Sea. It is well fortified, the chiefe City of the Region, 
which hath eight Cities. One of the Princes held this, 
when the Tartars were expelled, against this Royall Race ; 
whereupon it still payeth a great Tribute, to wit, the halfe HugeTnbuie, 
of all things growing, (so that some two whole Provinces 
pay lesse then this one Region to the King, against whom 
It had stood out) it is still also awed with a frequent 
Garrison. Chiutaiso was then absent at Tanian a Neigh- Tanian. 
hour City, who received him with great humanitie He 
abode in a Monasterie, and resigned his bed to his Master, 
who tired by travell fell sicke, and was likely there to 
have dyed. Recovered by his care, he gave him a Triangle 
Glasse, which he put in a Silver case with Gold Chaines Glasse glazed, 
at the ends, and adorned it further with a Writing that 
it was a fragment of that matter whereof the Heavens 
consist. One was said to offer him five hundred pieces 
of Gold soone after for it, which till Father Matthew had 
presented his to the King hee would not sell : after that 
hee set a higher price and sold it. 

At the beginning of the China yeare, all are busied Nno yearn 
in sending Presents to their friends, feasts and salutations. ^• 
They went to Cinchian to the publike Solemnitie where 
Chiutaiso was well knowne, and by his speech Father 
Matthew and from thence they went to Nanquin, in 


1 541-1622. 


February, 1599. Before wee come thither wee will looke 
backe to our Canton Jesuits. 

Letter of F, 
Nic. Lombard, 

This compari- 
son with that 
time of the 
seemeth per- 
haps not the 
bestj that being 
the best of 
VarrOy and 
Cicero, and 
yirffiy as the 
Trium virijbr 
besides, Sa/ust, 
desar, i^c. 

[III. ii. 344.] 

§. VI. 

Letters from Father Longobard and Taiso. Ricius 
his entertaynment at Nanquin and Residence 
there. The Chinois unlearned Learning. 

Ather Nicolas Longobard wrote unto Claudius 
Aquaviva the Jesuiticall Generall, the eighteenth 
of October, 1598. that in the Kingdome of China 
there were then seven Jesuits distributed into two Resi- 
dences and one Mission : at Nancian, Father John Soerius 
and Johannes k Roccia ; himselfe and Francis Martines a 
Chinese at Sciauceum in Canton Province, Ricci and 
Cataneus, and Sebastian Fernandez a Chinese, were then 
gone to Pequin : that China condition and conditions 
agreed so well with him, that hee seemed to bee in the 
midst of Italv : that much respect had accrewed to them 
in conceit of the Chinois together, with that Habit of 
their Learned, which they haa taken, the Bonzi and their 
Habit esteemed base alike. He also much commends 
Thaiso or Taiso, (Chiutaiso before mentioned) who much 
every-where commended the Jesuits and their Learning, 
as much exceeding what ever had beene taught in China. 
And truly, saith he, the Chinois Learning exceedeth not 
the Science of the Romanes in the time of Cicero. 

They are much exercised in a kind of writing and 
speaking briefe and pithie Sentences : their Bookes 
expresse well Ethickes and Politickes, but are rude in 
Naturall Philosophic. When I had lately runne thorow 
two of their Bookes, which they esteeme as their Meta- 
physikes, or first Philosophic, one of their learned men 
gratulated my proficience ; when as I found therein no 
more difficulty then in Tully, or Titus Livius. They say, 
none but the Chinois can understand them, Father Ricci 
useth to adde none better then the Europeans. A Letter 
of Taiso to Ricci hee addeth thus inscribed. Thaiso * 



I 541- 1622. 

younger Brother which stand at the * side to learne, doe *Thaisos 
submit my head to the ground, and exhibite honour and ^^^r. To 
reverence to the elder Brother, Master and Father \^^^^^^ j 
Matthew Ricci, a famous Peere, and Master of the most ^^^^ /i^« 
choise flowers of the great Law, and cast downe my selfe write not In 
at the feet of his Seat and Chaire. The Letter followeth. thefirstper- 
After our departing (it being foure yeeres since sight ^^^ I^ 
of each other) there hath not beene a day in which I have pronouneil). 
not set before mine eyes the excellent vertue of your *This{astosit 
Worship. I gave two yeeres since to Sciauchih, my at the feet, 
Countreyman, a Merchant, Letters to your Worship, ^^^^ ^^. . 
thereby to learne where and what it did. I know not J^^^l^ ^If^' 
whether they have attayned that, to come to your magnifi- mans schoUr: 
cent hands, &c. When I went from your Worship I said taken from 
it must goe into the North parts, if it would behold the ff^rsMngat 
splendour and magnificence of this Kingdome, that my \Jl^l^ 
Countrey had nothing singular, that Nanquin Court was 5^^^, 
troublesome, and mixed of all sorts : that Chiansi Province 'North of 
was fit onely for dwelling, because there were learned men ^^^^^ ^^ 
in it of excellent vertue, and of a true and solid spirit to * 

receive the Law This yeere gathering together 

those things which your Worship taught mee, I made 
a Booke, and exhibited it to the Society of learned men, of 
which there was none which did not admire and subscribe, scinnn is the 
saying, your Worship was Scingin, that is, a Saint of greatest title 
these times. Those things which I have added haply of honour 
may be erroneous, and I feare lest they contradict its ^^??^! *^ . 
sounder and higher learning : and therefore have sent my ^ai^za ^hoh 
servant to bring it to your Worship to reade, which I birthy greatest 
most humbly entreat, and to correct, to approve the trueth, learning that 
to blot out the false, to illustrate the obscure, writing all ^^^j^e 
in another Booke, and sending it by the same servant in ^^*^^^f^^y 
few dayes, because I would presently commit it to the Cmfusias: 
Presse, that your Worships learning might be knowne such an one 
thorow the World. In these places are of greatest reckon- ^^y ^»^ 
ing the Bookes of Hothu, Coscui, Pequa, Queuscieu, ^^^^ ^^n 
Thaiquitu, and other like, which have written of a Point, Indn^^' 
Line, Extremitie, and Thicknesse. All these learned RiHus, 



fir tAe Gospel. 


Universities In 
our sence with 
Professors and 
fublih Schools 
are not in 
China: but 
fir tahing 
degrees as in 
our Univer- 
sities a mans 
studiesy and 
the Cities 
have some 


make of a Line a Circle : but according to your Worships 
teaching, of a Line is made the termmation of a Circle, 
and a Circle consists therein. From which principles the 
conclusions brought of Thaiquu, that is, of God, doe farre 
exceed the Commentaries or all our learned men. And 
they are enough to illustrate a thousand obscurities of 
antiquitie, which hitherto have not beene pierced. This 
one thing afflicts mee, that my writing and stile is meane 
and abject, and most unfit to illustrate and enlarge the 
most excellent conceits of its mind. Meane while I much 
long, and as it were on tiptoes looke about every where, 
if haply I may see your face. From Suceo the two and 
twentieth of the fourth Moone, and the foure and 
twentieth of the Raigne of Vanlia. Subscribed; Thaiso 
younger Brother againe bends his head to the ground, 

Lombard proceedeth in his Letter, and sheweth the 
commodiousnesse of one King which ruleth all, of one 
Mandarine Tongue, of the common industrie and cheap- 
nesse of provisions (not as in the povertie of Japon, where 
the worke-mens maintenance must come from other parts) 
all fitting to bring in the Gospell. There are, sayth he, 
almost infinite houses of Bonzi maintayned by the King, 
besides gifts which they receive of others which yet repose 
no great confidence in Idols : what would these doe if 
they beleeved to receive a hundred for one, and eternall 
life ? Their composition of bodie, complexion, condition, 
rites ; no use of weapons, not so much as a Knife carried 
(but by Souldiers in Garrison, not in the way or at home) 
their habite long, and anciently used, with their hands 
alway hidden in their long sleeves, except in use of their 
fanne, which all, even the meanest carrie with them ; their 
quarrels, if any happen in the vulgar, ended in a few 
boxes or brawles; their seemely behaviour equall to the 
European ; yea, in some things to the Religious there ; 
their studiousnesse of learning the onely foundation of 
dignitie and ffreatnesse, as many Athens there as great 
Cities, each having a Schoole or Universitie without 




mixtxire of other Regions) their politike and morall Rules 
and Lawes ; all these might be furtherances to the Gospell. 
Their tenacitie also of their owne customes and jelousie 
of Strangers, might better secure them from Heresies. 
Hee commends dso their workes of Piety, and Charity, Many things 
Almes, Hospitals for poore, voluntary chastisements of ^'« ^^^ ^ 
the bodie to subdue the affections, as fastings (in which ^q^^-^^ 
they abstaine from Flesh, Fish, Milke, and Egges, but concurre, 
eate other things as oft and as much as they will) liberties 
and gifts by Magistrates to Widowes which contayne 
themselves fi-om second marriages ; triall of a mans selfe 
in all his actions commended in their Bookes, especially 
of those things which other men cannot know : and here- 
upon the liking of a solitary and contemplative life in 
the Countrey, and restoring themselves to the first state, 
as they say, wherein the Heaven created them ; for which 
purpose are congregations of learned men, together in 
Villages addicted to contemplation, and fleeing publike 
Offices (as the ancient Fathers had their conferences in 
woody and mountainous places) in which also their women 
are as forward as the men, many of them living in 
Nunneries, governed by an Abbesse ; and all China women 
live so enclosed, as if their owne houses were Cloisters: 
These he commends in them, as also that of all vertues 
they give the first place to Obedience to Parents as in 
which consists a mans perfection. And that no man may 
be ignorant of his duty, if they cannot reade (of which 
there are but few) they have a short Summe (orCatechisme) 
for publishing whereof there is a man appointed at publike [m- "•,345- 
charge, every full and change, to publish the same in i£[^^ 
every street of the City, so that on the same day & hoiu-e, 
a little before Sun-rising the same doctrine is propounded 
in all the Cities of China, and thorow all their streets. 
This is sixe Articles or Principles, which are. First, Obey Sixepricepts 
Father and Mother: Secondly, reverence Betters and e/"^^'**- 
Elders : Thirdly, make peace among Neighbors : Fourthly, 
teach Children and Nephewes : Fifthly, let every man well 
discharge his office: Sixthly, commit no offence, that is, 






Cingtnsu a 
great jibbie. 


not to kill, steale, fornication, &c. which in manner com- 
prehend the second Table of the Decalogue. As for the 
first Table, the Chinois, especially the learned are Atheists, 
little regarding Idols, whereof their Houses and Temples 
are full ; little minding the rewards or punishments of the 
life to come, or the soules immortalitie, which yet are 
easily found in their bookes touching the punishments at 
least of Holy Pao (so they call God) in Hell. Of rewards 
of blessednesse there is not such evidence, as Thaiso 
affirmed. And although many difficulties happened to 
ours in the Bonzian habite, yet is it now farre otherwise. 
As for Canton Province, the Mandarines which come this 
way, aske us why we stay amongst these Maneines, that 
is, Rusticks and Barbarians: We must, say they, leave 
the Barke and pierce to the pith and marrow of the 
Kingdome, if we would see the China splendor and politic. 
He writes for Labourers, Bookes, Images, and Pictures, 
for consolation of new Converts : the Ethnicks worship 
that of the Virgin, and call her Scin mu nian nian, that is, 
holy Mother, and Queene of Queenes : and ends with 
imploring the patronage and intercession of all heavenly 
Quire, specially of the blessed Virgin, the Apostles, the 
Angels guardians of China, to obtaine of the holy Trinitie 
happy successe to their endevours, &c. But wee will 
returne to our best acquainted in China, Ricius, whom 
we left newly arrived at Nanquin. 

The case was now altered at Nanquin, they went on 
foot without impediment to their lodging, which was in 
a huge Monastery, called Cinghensu, in which is great 
resort of guests which there hire lodgings, being built 
in the centre of the Citie. The Japonians were now beaten 
from Corai and Quabacondono was dead, which had so 
terrified that unwarlike Nation. He heard that they had 
heard of his going to Pequin, and that the Corai warre 
was the frustrating of his designes in that unseasonable 
time. The President was verie glad of his comming, 
and exhorted him to buy a house there, and sends two 
of his followers to looke out for one. Scarsly had he 




and Chiutaiso gotten home to their lodging, when the 
President foUoweth to visit them, which hee did with 
the solemnest Rites. And when they were set in the 
Hall, the Abbot came to offer them the wonted potion, 
kneeling to all three (to the President hee was bound The President 
as supreme eovernour of Temples) and the President ^^P^^^ 
mvited the tather to spend two or three daies m his Temples. 
house, to see the Fire-workes, which that full Moone, the FuUMoone 
first of the yeere would bee to bee seene, which strange fire-workes, 
devices of lights that and the following nights; which 
he did and beheld that which without wonder cannot be 
beholden, the Nanquiners herein exceeding as may be 
thought the whole world. 

When it was reported that the President had visited 
him, all the Majestie of Magistrates did the like, yea 
some whom he had not visited. The President of the 
Court of Criminall Causes, and the President of the 
Treasury (which is the second Tribunall) came with rites 
& gifts, as also did others; yea hee which a little after 
was the High Colao at Pequin, which all urged him to 
buy a house; and he now went thorow all Streets and 
Palaces without gainesaying (which he knew from a vision 
hee before had had thereof) and procured a house which 
the President helped to furnish. So much admiration and 
respect had the opinion of Europaean science acquired to 
him, these being to the China wits baits for the Gospels Mathematikes 
fishing. Now first did they heare that the Earth was ^^^"^ ^ ^^ 
round (for they conceited the Heaven round and the ^^^P^^- 
Earth square) that the Centre drew all heavie things to 
it, that the Universe was inhabited round, that there were 
Antipodes, that the Earths interposition caused the 
Moones eclipse (some saying that the Moon opposite to China 
the Sunne was dazled or amazed; others that there was a Earning how 
hole in the Sunne, against which the Moone opposed lost ^^^^^^*^' 
her light) that the Sunne was greater then the Earth ; and 
that the Starres also, this was out of measure paradoxicall : 
the like was the soliditie of the Orbes, and their number ; 
the fixed posture of the Starres, the Planets wandrings, 



1 541- 1622. 

the elevation and depression of the Pole according to the 
various Climates ; and likewise the inequalitie of the daies^ 
without the Tropikes Geographicall Maps in piano, and 
Globes, Meridians, Parallels, Degrees, the Line, Tropikes, 
Poles, Zones, Spheres, Sun-dialls, they had not at all 
understood, with other points of Europaean learning. A 
Doctor of theirs confessed himselfe ashamed; For, said 
hee, you may thinke of me as wee doe of the Tartars 
and barbarous out-lawes; for you begin where wee end 
(which hee spake of the studie of eloquence, which takes 
up our childhood, their whole life.) They numbered five 
Elements, Metall, Wood, Fire, Water, Earth, one of 
which they said was procreated of the other: the Aire 
they did not acknowledge for one, because they see it not, 
placing a vacuum or emptinesse where wee place the aire : 
as incredible it was that the fierie Element was the highest, 
and that Comets and Exhalations were therewith fired. 
Father Matthew writ a booke of the Elements in their 
^<w^ language much applauded, and often by them reprinted. 

Peauin '* Divers became his SchoUars ; one sent from his Master 
[III. ii. 346.] i^ Hanlin Colledge in Pequin (the chiefe place for China 
learning, to be admitted into, which is a great dignitie.) 
Wit of a Hee was very wittie, and without any Master attained 
Chinese. the first booke of Euclide, and exacted of Father Matthew 

Geometricall demonstrations. And when hee added some 
things of Christianitie, you need not, saith he, confute 
that Idolatrous Sect, it is enough to teach the Mathe- 
Btmzis^ matikes. For these Bonzi would also be Philosophers 

Stages. and Mathematicians. They said the Sunne hid himselfe 

by night behinde a Hill called Siumi, rooted in the Sea 
EcRpses. foure and twentie miles deepe. And for the eclipses, they 

said that the God Holochan caused that of the Sun cover- 
ing it with his right hand, and that of the Moone with 
his left. 
C^Uedge of Not at Pequin alone, but at Nanquin also is a CoUedge 
Astrologers, ^f Qj^jj^^^ Mathematicians of better building then Astro- 
logicall Science. They do nothing but bring their 
Almanacks to the rules of the ancients, when they mis- 




reckoned, they ascribed it to irregularitie of nature, not 
theirs, devising some prodigious event to follow. These 
at first were afiraide that Father Matthew would have 
deprived them of their dignitie ; and freed of that feare, 
they visited him friendly, and he them, where hee saw 
a strange sight. There is an high Mountaine, on the top 
whereof is an open Plaine or Floore fit to contemplate 
the Starres. In this open space one every night is 
appointed to watch, and observe if any Comets or other 
alterations be in the skie, thereof to give the King notice, 
and what it portends. In this place, of cast mettall are 
Mathematical! Instruments, admirable for their greatnesse MathmaHcall 
and neatnesse, the like whereof wee have not seene in ^'^S^ 
Europe. They have continued there in all chance and ^'*^^*'^'^'^- 
change of weather neere two hundred and fiftie yeeres 
without damage. Of them were foure greater, the one 
a huge Globe distinguished by degrees with Meridians ^ Globe, 
and Parallels, as great as three men can fedome : it stood 
on a huge Cube of brasse likewise, upon his Axel-tree : 
in the Cube was a little doore, sufficient for it to passe 
when need was. On the utter superficies was nothing 
graven, neither Stars, nor Regions, whereby it appeares 
that it was either unfinished, or purposely so left that it 
might serve both for a Celestiall and a Terrestriall Globe. 
The second was a huge Sphere, the Diameter whereof A Sphere, 
was a fadome; with Horizon and Poles, and in stead of 
Circles, certaine double chaines, the space betwixt them 
representing the Circles in our Spheres: all these were 
divided into three hundred and sixtie degrees, and a few 
minutes. In the middest was a Globe of the Earth, but 
a certaine pipe hollowed like the barrel! of a Peece, which 
might bee turned anv way, and set in any degree and 
elevation for trial! of the Starres very artificially. The 
third was a Dial! two fadoms high in a huge & long A DialL 
Marble set to the North, with a channel! about the table 
to hold water, whereby to trie if it stood plaine or no: 
the stile placed perpendicular, both it and the stone dis- 
tributed into degrees: it seemes, for exact trial! of the 
XII 321 X 



The Chinois 
number 24. 

Instruments at 
*Th'ts time 
agreeth with 
the time of 
which giveth 
authority to 
former story of 
him: besides 
the Chinois 
call the last 
Tartar which 
ruled them 


shadowes of Solstices and Equinoctialls. The fourth and 
greatest was an engine or instrument of three or foure 
huge Astrolabes set one by another, each containing a 
Geometricall pace in a Diameter, with their Fiduciall 
line, or Halhilada, and Dioptra : one of them represented 
the aequator inclined to the South, another (which made a 
crosse with the former) to the North; another stood 
erected to the South, perhaps for knowledge of the 
Verticall Circle, but turned about to shew any Verticall : 
all had the degrees marked with iron knots standing forth, 
that they might bee knowne by feeling in the night. This 
Worke of Astrolabes was set in a plaine floore of Marble 
also, with channels about. In every of these Instruments 
was expressed in China Characters what every thing signi- 
fied ; the foure and twentie Constellations of the Zodiake, 
answering in the number doubled to our twelve Signes. 
There was in them this one errour, that they were set 
in the sixe and thirtieth degree of the Pole elevated, 
whereas Nanquin stands without all doubt in two and 
thirtie and a quarter of a degree. They seeme to have 
beene made to be placed somewhere else, and placed here 
by some unskilfull Mathematician. Afterwards Father 
Matthew saw the like, or the same Instruments rather at 
Pequin, cast with the same hand, at that time when the 
* Tartars ruled over the Chinois, by some expert of our 

The greatest Magistrate desired Father Matthew to 
revise the Universall Map, which he had made in Canton 
Province, and make larger Commentaries, and hee would 
print it at publike cost, which he did, and with an elegant 
Proeme commended the Author of the worke. This was 
published and carried into all parts, and in other places 
reprinted. The Vice-Roy of Cuiceu Province printed it 
with another methode, making to every Kingdome a proper 
Commentarie in a booke, adorning the Author also with 
his praises. Besides, the Presidents of the sixe Tribunalls 
(equall except for the Kings presence, in the governement 
of their Province, to these or Pequin) hee had three other 




friends, yet unmentioned. There is a certaine hereditarie 
dignitie derived to the eldest sonnes, from those Captaines 
which expelled the Tartars: they are called Quocum; Quocum^tki 
their posteritie are honoured by the King, most of all the NobtlitU of 
eldest, which in processe of time have growne into a ^^^»^- 
numerous Family; and although they beare no publike 
office, except some militarie commands, yet have they 
great dignitie and wealth : and these onely doe truely 
resemble the Nobilitie of Europe. One head of this 
Family is at Nanquin, living in great pompe, with Palace, 
Furniture, Gardens, all like a King. He one day invited 
Father Matthew, and entertained nim in the best Garden 
in the Citie : in which, besides other pleasing rarities, he 
saw an artificiall Mount or Rocke of divers unpolished Artificial 
Marbles, hollowed into Caves ; it contained Chambers, Y^^- .. 
Halls, Staires, Fish-ponds, Trees, and other things. Art ^ •"•347-] 
wantonising with Nature to engender pleasure ; especially 
in time or heate to coole themselves in their studies or 
feasts with this Cave-retiring; which although it com- 
prehended no great space of ground, yet would it aske the 
space of two or three houres time to visit all the parts, 
the egresse being by another gate. This Nobleman was 
yong, and desired to see some things of Europe. 

Another which became familiar with Father Matthew, 
was the Commander of all the Nanquin Soxildiers, which Captaine of 
had also another great Office, called Heu, who often visited ^^ ^f^^ 
him, and became his great friend, whose friendship gave ^^^^^' 
us security, to whom the watch and ward, and securitv 
of the Citie belongeth. Besides, I will name the chiere c/^iffe 
Eunuch, which hath great authority over the Nanquin EunucL 
Eunuchs, whereof are numbred some thousands, who is Thousands of 
Ruler over the Kings Palace, and hath command of aU Eunuchs at 
the Citie gates, and over the military Musters together ^^9^^- 
with the former Captaine, with other parts of authority, 
and expresseth the same with great pompe. He was 
almost decrepit, and after the Eunuchs fashion there, not 
so gentle ; and when Risius came to him, his Courtiers 
commanded him to give him a title which answereth to 




Highnesse with us. I explane it thus ; when they speake 

to the King, they wish to him ten thousand thousand yeeres 

Fan^vanysiu^ of life in these three syllables, Van van siii, which is all 

%^lL' ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ Majestie: to others in the Palace> 

Mmarch ^'^ Queenes, or Children of the King, they with inferiour 

Rve fir ever, title pray, one thousand yeeres. Now the Eunuchs are 

Dan. 5. 10. so arrogant that they expect this thousand yeeres wish, 

and to Dee saluted on the knee. Father Matthew could 

not doe this safely, lest hee should doe more to him 

then to the chiefe Magistrates; but hee had learned not 

to neglect in China their rites; and he being deafe, one 

that hollowed in his eare made up what the Father wanted. 

Hee gave him a great gift, which he refused, and denyed 

him the trigone Glasse : yet this caused the other Eunuchs 

to honour him. 

A principaU At that time lived in Nanquin one which had obtayned 

p^^Ar^ the first place in the declaration of Doctors (which is a 

^^^ '' very great dignity) who lived here in this Countrey private, 

but in great esteeme of all. Hee had degenerated to 

become a Preacher of the three China Sects, and professed 

great knowledge of them. Hee had at his house a famous 

A Mandarine Votarie, or Bonzi-Monke, who renouncing the publike 

^Bon%i "" Ofl^ces which he had borne, had shaved his head, and 

(which is not usuall in China) of a Learned Man, had 

become a Minister of the Idols. And because hee was 

both learned in the China Sciences, and growne seventy 

yeeres old, he had acquired much fame and many Disciples, 

professors of that new Sect which he devised. Tiiese 

visited Father Matthew, to the wonder of all ; that 

Literate-apostata confessed the truth of our Law, and 

presented the Father with a Fanne with two elegant 

Epigrams, Epigrams therein. Two other visited him, one of which 

counterfeited himselfe to have lived three hundred yeeres, 

whom the China Grandes much followed, as doting on 

the studie of long life, the precepts whereof he read to 

his Scholers. Hee also boasted of Geomancy. The other 

was a Physician, and companion to the other, each blazing 

the others Science : and whiles both preferred the Father^ 



1 541-1622. 

some suspected that hee had lived some Ages (which they 

use to affirme of Strangers differing in countenance from 

them) and would not let it be knowne. 

The Chinois have one day solemne to Confutius the ConJuHus his 
Prince of the Learned, in which they make a kind of f^o^^- 
Sacrifice to him, not as to their God, but their Master. 
They call it a Sacrifice, but in larger extent of the word. 
Musike was prepared against that day, at the triall whereof 
Father Ricius was present. The Priests of the Learned, 
called Tansu, ordered the Musike ; and in the Kings Hall Musike of 
(or Temple rather) dedicated to the Lord of Heaven, this ^^^^^• 
triall was made. The Priests came forth in precious 
vestures, as if they would sacrifice, who after their wonted 
rites to the President, fell to their Musike : in which 
were small brasse Bells, Basons, other as it were Tabors, 
others of stone, stringed Instruments, Pipes, Organs 
blowed with the mouth, not with Bellowes; others 
resembled Beasts out of the hollow bellie yeelding a 
sound : all these sounded together with such discording 
discord as you may imagine ; the Chinois themselves con- 
fessing the concord and harmoniacall consent to bee lost, 
onely the Instruments remayning from their Ancestors. 

That Temple was great and magnificent, built neere the Temple royally 
Citie in a Pine-grove, compassed with walls twelve miles ^^^^^ff^ifi- 
about. The wajQ of the Temple was of bricke, the other ^^^^ ^^^' 
parts of timber: it is divided into five lies; the Pillars 
were round of huge timbers as great as two men could 
fathome, the heigth proportionable to that thicknesse ; the 
roofe is excellently carved, and all gilded : and although it 
be two hundred yeeres since it was built, and the King 
resides not at Nanquin, nor sacrificeth there, yet is it little 
decayed from the first splendour. In the midst of the 
Temple is a more eminent place of most precious marble, 
in which is a double Throne, both of marble; the one 
for the King when he sitteth to sacrifice, the other is left 
for him to sit by, to whom the sacrifice is made. The 
Cloisters without are beautified with most elegant wind- 
ings, and lest the Birds should defile all, the windowes 




Jesuits habit. 

are all netted with Iron wyers (which is usuall thorow all 
the Palace :) all the gates of the Temple are covered with 
Brasse plates gilded, and wrought with neat Visages of 
the same metaU. Without the Temple were many Altars 
of red marble, which represented the Sunne, Moone, 
[III. ii. 348.] Starres, and Hills of China, Lakes and Seas, intimating 
that that God which is there worshipped made the rest, 
which are placed without, lest they might be worshipped 
for Deities. It is prohibited by grievous penalties, to cut 
the trees of that Grove, or any bough thereof, whence 
they are great and old. In the circuit of the Temple are 
many Cefls, which are said to have beene Baths for the 
Kings to wash in when they were to sacrifice. 

The Father used the Habit of the Learned (as is said) 
of those especially which professe themselves Preachers 
of the Law; the Habit modest, and the Cap not unlike 
ours in Crosse fashion also. He confuted both the Sects 
of Idolaters, and commended that of the Learned, praysing 
Confutius, which was rather silent, then would devise any 
thing touching the next life, and taught good Rules for 
the Life, Family, and Republike. A great man flourished 
at Nanquin then (which had some thousands of Disciples) 
in opinion of Vertue and Learning, and had set dayes in 
which to heare and to be heard every moneth. Chiutaiso 
brought the Father, and this Father together, and in some 
reasoning Ricius wrung from him that some corruptions 
were in the IdoU Sects, which he followed not, holding 
that only (he sayd) which was good. It being a fashion 
that Learned men met in their Societies to conferre of 
Morall Vertues, in one of those meetings this man 
learnedly confuted Confutius, which another Magistrate 
tooke haynously, and cryed out, it was intolerable that 
the Sect of Idols brought out of other Countreyes should 
bee preferred before Confutius, whom the Learned Ricius 
also admireth, refelling the Idol-follies. He answered, 
he had spoken with the man, but he was not yet well 
acquainted with China businesse, and he would instruct 
him better. Soone after he invited him to a Feast (for 


Societies of 



the Chinois usually in such meetings determine Contro- Conference w 
versies) and there hee met Sanhoi a famous Idol-Priest, '^"^'^^^'i,^ 
a Learned Philosopher, Orator, Poet, and well skilled p^j^^nd 
in others Sects also. When they were set, this Priest and Ridus, 
the Father together, the Priest began shewing his desire 
to conferre of Religion. Ricius first asked what he 
thought of the first beginning of Heaven and Earth, and 
the Creatour of things whom we call the Lord of Heaven. 
I deny not, sayd he, that there is such an one, but he 
hath no Majesty nor Deity, but I am equall to him, and 
so are all others. Canst thou (saith Ricius) make those 
things which he hath done .? he granted. Make then such 
a Chafing-dish (one stood before him) this, sayd the 
other, was an unworthy demand. Thou (sayth he) art an 
Astronomer, and makest new Sunnes in thy minde when 
thou reasonest thereof. That, sayth Ricius, is but an 
Image or likenesse which the minde from things seene 
conceiveth, as in reflexion of a Glasse whereon the Sunne 
shineth, yet doth not the Glasse create a Sunne. The 
Hoast for feare of further quarreU parted them. At 
Dinner the Chinois disputed of a Question of humane 
nature, how it came bad (they want Logicke and cannot 
weU distinguish betwixt morall and naturall good, and 
never heard of originall sinne) they discoursed thereof a 
whole houre : after which Ricius repeating what had beene 
sayd, entred into dispute with Sanhoi, who laughed at 
his and their Reasons and answered all with a Tale of 
I know not what Floud, according to his Sect, but he 
straitned him with Arguments, so that he and this Dispu- 
tation grew famous. They conceive that God and the 
Creatures are aU of one substance, and that God is as a 

Seat Soule of the Universe; which opinion from the j^f^^^Q^i^ 
ol-sects hath infected the Learned. Ricius writ a andSiher 
summary of that point, which gave men good satisfaction, stopped 6y 
and his Law seemed not so barbarous as they imagined. ancient Kings 
The Kings Treasure was exhaust by the Corayan Warre, ^^^^!^^ 
whereupon contrary to the Lawes he caused the ancient ^ev^^ 
Mines which were sayd to be stopped, to bee sought, and robberies. 




opened, and imposed new Tributes, that in all Provinces, 
Merchandizes should pay two of a hundreth : which had 
beene tolerable if gathered by Magistrates; but his 
Eunuches, sent to every Province, without shame or 
mercie exacted on the people, and raysed a worse com- 
bustion then that of Coray. So many Impostors, Counter- 
feits, Theeves were every-where : if a man dwelt in a 
good House, they would digge it up to search for a 
Myne, to force composition from the owner. Some whole 
Cities and Provinces compounded with these Caterpillers 
to free themselves from their vexations; the money so 
gotten they gave the King as taken out of their Mynes. 
This caused Dearth, and in some. Commotion. The 
Magistrates petitioned the King against these abuses, but 
sweetnesse of gaine had not only stopped that eare, but 
procured grievous penalties to those which withstood his 
Catch-polfEunuches, which by those punishments grew 
more insolent. Ours which wintered at Lincin, happily 
escaped these Harpy-clutches, who with their Presents 
arriving at Nanquin rejoyced to see a Residence so pre- 
pared there. These Presents intended for the King, bred 
such an amazement in the beholders that others were ready 
to offer force to see them. They still minding to present 
the King, (the weather now more cleare and peaceable) 
Cataneus went to Amacao ; where was much rejoycing for 
these hopes, but soone quenched with sorrow tor losse of 
their ship which tradeth to Japon, men and goods lost, 
on which ship all their Commerce dependeth. They found 
themselves therefore unable to maintayne three Resi- 
dences : the Jesuites Rector scraped all hee could for that 
purpose, and added a Watch and Image of the blessed 
Virgin, and Trigone Glasses, Houre-glasses and other 
Rarities to their Presents. 
Didacus or Father Diego Pantoia a Spanish Priest also accompanyed 

Jacobiu Cataneus to Nanquin, and thence went with Ricius to 

rin iT^AQ 1 I^^^^^'^j ^^^^ Sebastian and EmanueU. Father John was 
called from Nancian to reside with Cataneus at Nanquin. 
They went with an Eunuch then going to Pequin with 




six ships, who shewed them much kindnesse. In Zinin Zsnin, 

a City of the Province of Sciantum is a Vice-roy which 

is as High Admirall over all the ships, whether they carry HigA 

provision or other things, which gave kind entertaynment ^^"^iral. 

to Ricius, telling him at parting, Sithai (that was Ricius 

his China name) I also desire to goe to Paradise, intimating 

that all his Heaven was not in earthly honours, but that 

he minded also what the other preached. Presently with 

great pompe and state hee followed him to his ship and 

there visited him with usuall Rites of Urbanity and a 

Present, and wondred much at the sight of those Presents 

they carryed for the King. He sent an Officer also to 

make him a readier way. One Liciu had made way to 

this Vice-royes friendship, who soone after killed himselfe, Liciu killeth 

hearing that upon some complaint of his Books, the King himelfe. 

had commanded him to bee imprisoned and his Books 

to bee burned ; preventing so the study of his Adversaries 

to put him to some shamefull death. 

Amongst those Eunuches which the King had sent to 
oppresse the people, was one Mathan, which dwelt at Matkan a 
Lincin, whose exactions had raysed the people and ^^^^^^^^^^ 
Souldiers into mutiny, which burnt his Palace and killed Treacherie. 
his Servants, himselfe escaping disguised, but the Captive 
and Slave of Covetousnesse no lesse then before. Our 
Eunuch addressed himselfe to him, but could not till the 
third time be admitted, because his Gifts were not answer- 
able to the others appetite. Hee to make way for himselfe 
betrayed Ours to this Harpy, they not knowing it, saying, 
that in one of his ships were strangers with precious 
Gifts for the King, which he shewed closely to his Officers : 
with these he might get the Kings favour. The Gover- 
nour which in that and the Neighbour Cities had great 
command was his great friend, of whom Ricius asked 
counsel! ; he told him that now the Eunuches reigned, 
and they almost only were the Kings Counsellors, nor 
could the greatest Magistrates withstand their injuries. 
Yet the countenance of this Magistrate was a great helpe 
to him, this being the man whom of all the Governours 



Gnat and 
ious shit 




Piayersy and 
Feat- workers. 


he most feared ; a man so well deserving that his Citizens 
erected to him a Temple, Image, and Inscription; who 
now also both countenanced Ricius what he might, and 
gave him the best advice how to carry himselfe to this 
Eunuch, and perhaps but for him they had lost all and 
themselves to. This Capon had erected Palaces and 
Temples, and had built a huge ship in which the King 
himselfe might have sayled; so many were the Cels, 
Chambers, Hals, and other commodious Buildings thereof ; 
the Windowes, GaUeries of undecaying wood carryed with 
many Meanders,* all shining with Vernish and glittering 
with Gold. In this ship was hee carryed to ours, where 
Ricius met him. He viewed and liked all, and downe 
on his knees to the Virgins Picture, promised to procure 
her a place in the Palace. Ricius modestly refusing his 
service for them to the King, saying, many Magistrates 
of best ranke had undertaken that kindnesse : he smiled, 
saying, none of them could doe so much as he with the 
King: the King answeres my Petitions the same day, 
to them or late, or nothing. The Eunuch which brought 
ours was sent away, and all the Presents put a-board his 
ship. Hee carryed the Jesuites with him to the Towre 
of Thiensin, whither hee went to send thence the six 
moneths Tribute to the King : he feasted them. Comedies, 
Rope-runners, Tumblers, Vaulters, and Mimicke Ape- 
men attending the cheare with such disports as they had 
never seene in Europe. One cast three great Knives into 
the Ayre one after another, and catched them againe in 
their sheathes: another lay on the ground, raysing his 
feete over his shoulders, with which hee tossed up and 
tumbled too and fro an Earthen Pitcher in such sort, as 
hardly could bee done with the hands; the like hee did 
with a Drumme on a Table. A Comedie was acted only 
with gestures, of disguised Gyants in glorious habits; 
one from the Theatre pronouncing all their parts. A Boy 
danced admirably, and then as it were falling, layd his 
hands on the ground, and another Boy of Clay came forth, 
which using his hands for feete, imitated all the prankes 




of the other, and fell to wrestle with the living Boy, as 

if both had beene alive. 

We will leave you Spectators here, and now bring 

you forth another Actor, which having in little while 

travelled much, and learned more of his Fellowes; 

suddenly sent into Europe these Relations not unworthy 

your view: which I have therefore examined with the 

Originall Spanish, and the Latine Translation, and cut off 

some superfluities to give you more fiill content and to 

prevent Repetition ; the rather because hee descendeth to 

many particularities which Ricius looking higher and 

knowing more, hath omitted. 

Chap. VI. [III.ii.3So. 

A Letter of Father Diego De Pantoia,* one of the *ThisBooke. 
Company of Tesus, to Father Luys De Guzman, ^^'^.^^ ^*» 
Provmciall m the Frovmce or Toledo; written printed 1606 
in Faquin, which is the Court of the King of in Valencia: 
China, the ninth of March, the yeere 1602. '^ueiit'' 


§• I- 

Difficulties of entring China, their dwelling at 
Nanquin, going from thence to Faquin, with 
Presents for the King, troubles in the way by 
an Eunuch, 

Ight Reverend Father in Christ, the peace 
of Christ bee with you. I thinke I doe 
not satisfie the dutie which I owe unto 
your Worship, for the love which you 
have alway shewed unto mee, and the 
Obligation wherein I am bound to so 
many most dearely beloved Fathers and 
Brethren of this Province, if being as I am in this great 
Kingdome of China, procuring the good of these Pagans, 
(whereunto it pleased our Lord to choose mee) I should 




not give you some briefe Relation of the things that 
concerne this our new Mission, and of some things also 
concerning the greatnesse of this Kingdome, the Customes, 
Government and Policy thereof. 

Being come, as heretofore I wrote to your Worship, 
to Macao a City of the Portugals, adjoyning to the firme 
CoUidff of Land of China, where there is a Colledge of our Company : 
Jesmts, j^jjj there attending till the Persecution, Tumults, and 

Warres of Japon, would permit ten or twelve Fathers 
of us to passe thither, which stayed expecting fit opor- 
tunitie: when we were readie to depart, within few 
monethes, it pleased our God to change my Lot, and 
Enterprize which I had before myne eyes, and to send 
mee to enter into China, whereinto I entred in the end 
of the yeare of our Lord 1599. There were in this 
Mission at this time, only five Fathers divided into three 
Houses. For though it be twentie yeeres since they 
first began to enter, yet the entrance of Strangers is so 
Entrance into hard and SO straitly forbidden, and their state and perse- 
Stw verance is so diflftcult, that in all this time there never 

^ ' passed above five or sixe Fathers, and those which suc- 

ceeded since, though by little and little, did discover the 
Countrey ; But their entrance was by stealth and secretly. 
Considering that all passages were shut up, and that in 
all China there was no man that could or durst presume 
to give licence to preach the Gospell ; we alwayes sought 
to get some accesse unto the King, either by way of 
Meanes sought Embassage, or by way of Present, and Gifts, and to seeke 
/p «r/^r ^Q obtayne this in part, or in the whole, to this end and 

Embassage, The Fathers alwayes sought to obtayne some Ambassage 

of the Pope, or of the Catholike King. But perceiving 
they could not obtayne this, they procured it by way of 
Present, giving a Present, not so much of precious things, for 

they had none of that kind, as of strange things never 
seene before in China. And having procured this for 
many yeares space, without having any meanes to obtayne 
it ; the Divine Providence ordayned one in the yeare of 



our Lord 1590. which was this: The Fathers being in 
Xaucheo, (a Residencie of the Province of Canton) there 
passed that way a great Mandarin, called by the Kin^, 
to give him an Office in the Court, which among us is 
like unto a President of one of the chiefest Councels, 
which had known the Fathers long time ; and now seeing 
themselves with him, and signifying unto him the desire 
which they had to goe to Paquin, to give a Present to 
the King, and that if hee would doe them the Courtesie 
to Carrie them along with him under his shadow and 
protection, they would alwayes remayne thankefuU, and 
exceedingly bound to serve him. After this and other 
motives which they presented unto him, did that follow 
which wrought most effect, which was a good Present, 
with hope or other things afterward, whereupon he shewed 
himselfe very tractable to grant their request, and to take 
them with him to Paquin. 

Being glad of this resolution, they prepared themselves 
for the Voyage, and tooke the things which they desired 
to give the King, which hereafter I will mention. It 
pleased God to bring them to Paquin, in the company 
of so great a Mandarin, without the hindrance of any 
bodie. Being come to Paquin they began secretly to 
negotiate their businesse : because they durst not, neither 
was the Mandarin that brought them willing that they 
should shew themselves abroad. But though they 
attempted all possible meanes, neither with gifts, nor 
any thing else, there was not any man that would meddle 
with this businesse, because it was a matter that concerned 
Strangers, considering what might hereof happen unto 
them. After they had spent certayne moneths, and saw [III. ii. 351.] 
they profited nothing, and fearing some innovation, they 
determined to returne to their Residencies from whence 
they came. 

Having returned three hundred leagues, they came to 
the great Citie of Nanquin, which was the ancient Seat 
and Court of the Kings of China : and now (though the 
King reside not there) yet is it the most noble, great, 




Souldiers in 
Rictus saith 
400CX3. per- 
haps the other 
60000. are 
fir the 
adjoyningy or 
fir the Navie 
ami Sea- 
guard: or 
Ricius might 
speake of the 
ordinary at 
other peaceable 
times, Pan- 
togia of this 
time while the 
houses are 



strong, and beautifull of all this whole Kingdome, and 
retayneth her being the Royall Court, with all the same 
Offices which the Citie hath where the King resideth. 
They desired greatly to get an entrance into this City, 
because, as I have said, it is a famous place, and hath such 
store of grave persons in it, thereby to make themselves 
knowne, and here to procure with more facilitie an entrance 
or accesse unto the King. But it seemed a thing impos- 
sible, because it is a City straitly guarded, especially for 
Strangers, for whose guard and Watch it hath ordinarily 
above one hundred thousand Souldiers. And if they 
went about to get licence, it seemed impossible to obtayne 
the same of so many great Mandarins, as governed the 
same. But our Lord (to whom every thing is alike 
possible) vouchsafed to comfort the Fathers for their 
travell and small fruit which they had reaped of their 
journey to Paquin : and by the counsell of some friends 
which they had there, and with the protection of the 
Mandarin had carryed them to Paquin, which at that 
season came unto this City, they dwelt in Nanquin, with- 
out the contradiction of any Mandarin, although all of 
them knew thereof: howbeit, as a very great man said, 
which afterward became our great friend, hee was readie 
to send to apprehend the Fathers, untill hee understood 
that they were peaceable people, which had long time abode 
in China. 

After they were purposed to remayne there, there was 
another difficulty to get leave to dwell and have an House 
within the wals. But the Divine Providence gave them 
a very sweet and easie meane for all this, as here I will 
declare. The Mandarins live in this City in houses which 
are not their owne, but belonging to the Offices which 
they beare : and when one hath ended his Office, hee that 
succeedeth him, succeedeth him in his Houses, which are 
all builded at the Kings cost. At this time a great 
Mandarin had builded one of these, wherein by his Office 
hee was to dwell : But when he had finished it, it pleased 
God, that he enjoyed it not : and hee sent many Devils 




to enter into it, as they did in deed, which with fearefuU 

shapes did terrifie those which dwelt in it, especially by 

night : and this continued so long a time, that all men 

left it, and none would dwell in it. As Father Matthew 

Riccio (who was the party which negotiated this businesse, 

as the Procurator of all this Mission) went about to seeke 

to buy an House, by way of jest they asked him, whether 

he would buy an house full of Devils? The Father 

answered, that hee tooke it not for a jest, but that if the 

house liked him, hee would not vary for that ; for he 

served a God whom the Devils feared and dreaded, and 

that trusting in his helpe he was nothing at all afraid of 

them, but that they did rather much feare him, because 

he was the Servant of such a Lord. They went to see 

the House, which presently liked him : and as they sold 

it good cheape because of the bad report that it had, in 

two words they agreed together : and the Mandarin that 

sold it was so glad, that he gave us Patents to possesse Jesuits Patent 

it perpetually in China ; a thing which in no place could be fir China 

obtayned of any other Mandarin. Forth-with they went ^^''^^'^• 

to it, and at their comming in they blessed it according 

to the Rite of the Holy Mother Church ; and by the grace 

of God there was never dreame of any evill thing that 

troubled the same. AU men looked what would become 

of this, and what successe they should have with the 

Devils. And when they saw the great quietnesse, without 

any shew of Spirits, they were greatly astonied, saying, 

that without doubt this was a great God, and that hee Fame of 

sought to dwell in that House, and that therefore he had Jesuiu 

commanded the Devils to dwell there, and not to suffer ^^»^^'^- 

others to enter therein ; and that when he came they went 

their way. 

To this so good beginning the progresse from thence Fame of their 

forward was answerable : for the grave Mandarins under- Learning. 

standing, together with the fame that they were Learned 

men, that they had many Bookes, that they were men of 

a good life, and that they had some things of their 

Countrey, which were never seene in China (as certayne 





Their credit 
^ gpod usage 

Clocks with Wheeles, and Images in Oyle, and other 
pretie things) all of them setting feare apart, and other 
respects, came to visit the Fathers in great estate, because 
they were the greatest Mandarines otall China, but with 
much humanitie, respect and courtesie, with Presents of 
things to eate, and Banquets as they use with their equals. 
They were so well pleased with all that they saw and 
heard, that all of them became their great Friends and 
Patrones : and gave so good report of them, that all men 
sought to doe the like: and for continuance of their 
amity they came oftentimes to visit them, and oftentimes 
invited them to their Palaces: and with this feme and 
honour of the gravest sort of people, aU the rest of the 
inferiour and baser sort used them with much reverence, 
no man daring to doe, or say unto them any discourteous 

This was the state of things when it pleased God to 
choose me for this Mission, and when I entred into it we 
had three Residences, one in the Province of Canton, 
another in the Province of Quianci, which is somewhat 
more within the Land, another in the Citie of Nanquin, 
which is in the midst of the Kingdome, and three hundred 
leagues from Macao. I entred secretly, as all the rest 
did (I say without particular Licence of any Mandarin.) 
[III. ii. 352.] But my secrecie continued but a while, as hereafter I will 
declare. I came at the first, without staying in any other 
House, to Nanquin, where three Fathers of us were foure 
moneths ; Father Matthew Riccio our Superiour, Father 
Lazarus Catanio, and my selfe, and a Brother a Chinois, 
one of the two which are received into this Mission, and 
every thing goeth well. But as in matter of strangers 
the Chinois are exceeding scrupulous, more then your 
Worship can beleeve, so there were many which spake 
of our abiding in Nanquin, considering that now wee had 
three Houses in China. Wee beganne with much more 
earnestnesse to procure another better foundation, and to 
returne to Paquin more openly, and seeke accesse unto 
the King. And because in Nanquin there bee Mandarines 




to whom this bclongeth, and some of them were our 
Friends, wee beganne to speake of this point. 

But it was not needfull to spend many words ; for Leave Jor 
straight way we met with a Mandarin, to whom by right Paquin 
this matter appertayned, who frankly and freely offered ^^*^^- 
us Patents, Dispatches, and whatsoever was needfuU to 
accomplish this businesse. 

The promises of this Mandarin were not vaine: for 

when the time came that the River was unfrozen, (which '^^ ^^y^^ ^f 

all the Winter is frozen over) and Barkes began to goe ^^f*'* 

for Paquin, he performed his word faithfully, giving us t^e Winter. 

Patents and Passe-ports needfuU for the money; and The parti- 

besides, hee sent us a Barke of the Kings to carry our cularsofthe 

Present and our owne things. Beeing glad of these good ^yf^J'^^^^* 

newes and dispatch, we consulted how we should dede in j^^^mij ^ 

certayne things which offered themselves in this businesse. Serpents {so 

and who should goe : There was no question but Father Crux cals 

Matthew Riccio should be one, but who should be his ^^) ^^ 

companion : for whom they choose me, and the Brother. d-T^ ^yj^^^^ 
TXT 1- • 1 '111 1*1 rtnto satth a 

We set our thmgs in order, particularly those which were n^^ perhaps 

of the Kings Present, Which were two Clockes with his conjecture 

Wheeles, one great one of Iron, in a very great Case M ^^ 

made faire with a thousand ingraved workes, full of gilded J^^f'f^ 

Dragons, which are the Armes and Ensignes of this King, ^^ p^^ ^^ 

as the Eagle is the Emperours : another little Clocke very p, 89. Wr. or 

faire, above an handful! high, all of golden Metall, of the perhaps this 

best Worke which is made in our Countrey, which our ^^g^^^^^ 

Father GeneraU had sent us for this purpose ; which was ^^^ ^^^^ 

set in a gilded Case, as the other was: and in both of Royall 

them in stead of our Letters were graven the Letters of Ensigne. 

China, and an hand that came forth did point at them. Besides a Lion 

Besides these there were three Images in Oyle, two great ^^/catM^^ 

ones of an Ell high, and one little one. The greatest Province and 

was the figures and portrature of Our Lady of the Poplar, perhaps of 

of Saint Lucar: The second was of our Lady with the sme others 

Babe Jesus, and Saint John : the third, was a Picture of ^^^1^^ 

Christ, which was the least ; all of them were of excellent Jrlhe Kings 

Worke. Besides this, there were certayne Looking- Armes. 

XII 337 y 



glasses; two Triangle-glasses (which though among us 
they be of no account, yet are they esteemed here among 
them) adorned with Chaines of Silver, and set in an 
excellent Case of Japon, which was of twentie times more 
value then the Glasses, to them that know what Glasses 
are. A Booke of The Theatre of the World, and a 
Breviarie exceeding feirely bound, with an inscription. 
That that was the Doctrine of the True God, whose 
Images they did present him withall. A very faire Mono- 
cord, because it is an Instrument whereat the Chinois doe 
wonder much, and other pretie things of lesse importance. 
All which things beeing set in order, and imbarqued. 
They began ^e tooke our leave of the Christians of Nanquin, (which 
t^rjoHmey ^^ ^^^ departure came to our House with a Banquet with 
1600. /X^2o. great joy) and of the Mandarins our friends, which with 
of May ^ stilo great sorrow, and shewes of love tooke their leaves of us, 
novo. and sent us Presents for our Journey, and many Letters 

of favour to the great Mandarins of Paquin. 

We departed with this good dispatch from Nanquin 
in the yeare 1 600. the twentieth day of May. And know- 
ing not how the King, and the Mandarins of Paquin, 
and those of the Kings Court, would take this our Journey, 
because wee were Strangers, wee sought to prepare our 
selves for that which might faU out : in great hope that 
we should find ayde eyther in aU or in part to obtayne 
our desire, which we had for the establishment of our 
Company in this Kingdome, and to procure the opening of 
an entrance thereunto for the preaching of the holy Gospell. 
We began to sayle up a very great River, whereof 
hereafter I will speake somewhat ; and when we had 
sayled certayne leagues, wee entred into another small 
River made by hand above two hundred leagues, only 
to carry in Barges the Tribute which the Provinces of 
y^^ the parts of Nanquin pay unto the King, and other things 
as it were one which these Countries yeeld (which are the best, and most 
pathway of plentifuU of all things which are in China) because it 
s^ffing, seemeth impossible to carry it by Land with Millions of 
people, being in Rice, Wheate, Silver, and a thousand 




other things very great: And the Vessels which are 

employed about this businesse are so many, that without 

doubt it is no Hyperbole to say that from Nanquin to 

Paquin, which is three hundred leagues, aU the Summer 

time it seemeth to be a path way of the Kings Barges. 

We were all asweU Mandarins as particular men very 

well intreated all the way, whither many Mandarins came 

out of the ViUages and Cities, desiring to see the Present 

which wee carried, and our selves; bringing us many 

Presents for our Journey. Having traveUed two hundred 

and thirty leagues in forty dayes, wee came to a very 

famous place and Mart Towne in China, which is in the 

Province of Xantun, which is next unto the Territories 

of Paquin, called Lincin. Where, because of the great Lincin, 

Trafficke of Vessels and Merchants, which goe and come 

from the Court, who pay to the King a very great tribute, [iii.ii. 353.] 

he hath placed one of his chiefest Eunuchs, which serveth Mathan the 

to gather up his Customes: which lived there in great f^jH^^^^^ 

estate, and much attendance. Whensoever he goeth ^^P^^P'- 

abroad he is alwaies carried in a Chaire, upon eight mens 

shoulders, which is a very CTeat honour in Chma, with 

great store of Horsemen before and behind, with certaine 

Basons of Copper, which make a great sound when they 

bee playd upon, to signifie to the people that he commeth 

that way, that all may goe out of the way ; as the custome 

is with all the great Mandarines in the Cities of their 

jurisdiction. Which Eunuch understanding of us, and 

of the things which wee brought for the King, and of 

many other things which they put in his head that wee 

brought, to wit, precious stones, and others of that kind : 

hee sent us word, that hec knew what we had brought 

for the King, and that he desired much to see it, and that 

the same day or the next he would come, praying us that 

we would make it ready. 

He came at the appointed time, and having seene the 
things which wee brought for the King, and making 
account of them to be precious, and that the King would 
greatly delight in them, he sought meanes to cause them 




to be presented to the King by all meanes, as thing^s that 
he had dealt with us to bring, to please him, and thereby 
to obtayne some sute for himselfe : and besides this, with 
desire and hope that wee would give him some precious 
stones (whereof the Chinois are very greedy) he determined 
whoUy to meddle in this businesse. Hee sent us a Present 
of things to eate, and a very courteous message, that wee 
should passe in one of his Barges, that shortly he would 
send us to Paquin, with Souldiers of his house, a Petition 
made with his owne hand to the king; that we should 
consult together, and bethinke our selves what we desired 
to obtayne of the King, whether it were to bee Mandarines,, 
or to have lands or houses, or all together, because there 
should be no difficulty in any thing. The message came 
with all this courtesie. And we made answer with the 
like, returning him a Present for his answer with generall 
words. For though hee came with so great offers, yet 
wee knew that these Eunuchs, for the most part, are base 

Eunuchs base and covetous people. 

mtnded, j|. happened at this time that the chiefest Mandarine 

of this Citie, which was our great friend was come fix>m 
Nanquin, from whence they had fetched him for that 
Office. Wee determined that Father Matthew Riccio 
should visite him with a small Present, according to the 
use of the Countrey, to relate unto him this businesse, 
and to aske his counsell what wee were best to doe. Hee 
received the Father with much courtesie and love, and 
kept him two dayes in his house: which, after he had 
heard the whole matter, answered, that he was very sorrie 
that we had met with this Eunuch, because we could looke 
for no goodnesse of his basenesse, covetousnesse, and bad 
meanes of proceeding ; and that he could performe nothing 
that he had promised, and that his intent was nothing but 
covetousnesse ; that hee would advise us to take as litde 
as we could of him : but for all this, that wee should not 
refuse that which hee offered, but rather to make a vertue 
of necessitie, and to thanke him with a very good con- 
tinuance for that which hee promised, because we were in 




his power, and he might and would hinder our passage, 

if wee did not so, and take away our Present from us, 

and give it himselfe with his owne hand to the King, ^^^ jj^>^/ to 

without making any account of us, without controhnent ordinary 

of any man, because he was not subject to any Mandarine. Magistrates. 

This seemed unto us to be very sound counseU, and a 
forcible enducement to follow it. So we foUowed the 
same, and applied our selves unto him in every thing, 
answering the Eunuch according to his desire, and passed 
in a Barke of his. He desired much forthwith to carrie 
the Kings Present to his house, saying, that he would 
trimme them to give them to the King, and this we 
courteously denyed him, saying, that we durst not depart 
with them tiU we had delivered them to the King, neither 
that it seemed reasonable, that when wee did give them, 
another should trimme them ; especiaUy, that these pieces 
were not such as had need of more trimming, since in 
themselves they were so precious : with which answer hee 
seemed to remayne satisfied. At the first he made us 
great banquets, sport, and cheere : but as in very deed 
his purpose was nothing but to doe himselfe good, and to 
looke for his owne profit, and not for ours, nee beganne 
quickly to discover himselfe : for hee stayed certaine dayes, 
looking that wee should give him some precious stones. Conceit of 
which some body had told him that we had brought with g^^f*^^- 
us to please him, for some things that they looked for at 
his hands : and when he saw the dayes were passed, within 
which he thought we would have given him them, he 
began to be out of hope, and to grow cold in our enter- 
taynment : yet for all this, he came to visite us with great 
pompe at our embarking : and after fifteene dayes he 
dispatched us for our journey to Paquin with men of his He dismisseth 
owne house, and with a Petition to the King, signifying ^^^^' 
unto him how hee had met us on the way, and what our 
intent was, and what things we brought. 

Wee were very honourably entertayned in his journey, 
and in aU the Townes and Cities of his Jurisdiction 
whereby we passed, he commanded them to give us with- 




out delay refreshing of Flesh-meate, Fish, much Fruit, 
and Wine. Wee travelled eight dayes, and came to the 
last place of his Jurisdiction : which is three dayes journey 
from the Court of the King. We stayed there with 
company that did waite upon us, watching day and night 
about the Barke with their Centinels and Bells, as they 
are wont to doe with the great Mandarines, and especially 
[III. ii. 354.] because there were there things belonging to the King, 
and the rest of the servants of the Eunuch went to Paquin, 
to deliver the Petition to the King, and to know his 
pleasure. They delivered the Petition, and we looked for 
an answer thereof within three or foure dajres, as he had 
told us. But God had disposed otherwise for the exercise 
of our patience and hope in him : and that was, that the 
King made no answer as we looked for: whereupon he 
was somewhat ashamed of the great brags that he had 
made to us without performance of any thing: and hee 
and wee were all in suspense, when we saw the King 
Siknceof returned no answer, which is wont to bee a token that 
^^^^^' he liketh not the Petition that is made unto him. 

Fifteene dayes after wee arrived in this place, the 

Eunuch came thither; to send from thence to the King 

a third part of the tribute which he had gathered. He 

Eunuchs pom- came accompanied with great store of Vessels, and that 

pous Barff. wherein he was, was such, as assuredly your Worship hath 

not scene the like in all your life. The forme is very 

much different from ours : for it is like unto an high 

House, wholly divided into chambers and halls very high, 

full of carved workes round about, with hangings of Silke, 

of many figures, and round about full of galleries to walke 

up and downe without being driven to enter in. And 

Glorious on the outside it was all covered over with a kind of Oyle 

VamtsL jj|^g Varnish, which runneth out of certaine trees, which 

Abundance of they make with tempering of all sorts of colours, (whereof 

aU colours in jj^ Japon and here there is great abundance) and the 

China^^ Portugals call it Charan ; it is a very faire, shining, and 

durable thing: and the things that are coloured with it, 

doe shine like Glasses, if it be of the finest : and besides, 



though it be not costly, yet it is as faire and fairer, because 
it is more naturall, and very neate and fine, wherewith 
they paint divers figures, trees, and flowers ; and if it be Painud 
of the right, it doth not decay, and loseth no whit of his Pig'^res. 
lustre. Herewith was the Barge trimmed without, with 
divers figures painted on the hull of the Barge : from the 
hull upward the windowes and the walls of the Halls and 
Chambers was full of carved workes, knots, and carved 
flowers, some gilded, others of divers colours, agreeable 
to their natures, which made a very pleasant shew : within 
it was of the same worke with more excellency, and the 
most part was gilded, and the floore of boords was painted 
with very shining Charan or Oyle. It was as long as a 

food Gallie, little more or lesse, and somewhat broader, 
ut ferre higher, and in such sort, that when wind sayleth 
they use very great Oares after the manner of China, f^ery great 
which serve, and are managed as Fishes use their tayle to Oaresandthe 
swimme. And because they bee of this fashion they use ^^^^ ^^ 
them with much facilitie in every Vessell how high soever 
it be. This was the fashion of the Vessell wherein the 
Eunuch came with much Musike of Trumpets, Drummcs, Musike, 
and Fifes, and other Instruments which I omit for brevities 

When he was come to this place, seeing the King sent Manner of 
no answere to his first petition, he sent another to put ^^^oning tie 
him in remembrance, and to solicite an answere to the ^^^' 
first : wherein hee answered nothing to this point, although 
he answered to other things. And though it bee true, 
that sometimes the King maketh no answer, through 
forgetfulnesse and confusion, because the petitions be 
infinite which are daily given him from all the Kingdome : 
yet most ordinarily when he giveth no answer it serveth 
for an answer, either that hee will not doe, or liketh not 
of that suit that is made unto him. And therefore because 
there came no answer, the Eunuch was much grieved that Eunuch 
he had meddled in this matter, out of which he could not f^^^&^' 
withdraw his hand because he had given a Petition to the 
King, untill he had seene some answer of his, fearing some 




damage, or displeasure of the King, that hereof might 
ensue : and hereupon hee beganne to estrange himselfe 
from us, and sought not to see us, nor to have to doe 
with us, and sent sixe men alwaies to stay in our Barge, 
under colour to serve us, but in very truth to watch us 
day and night. 
Thi^ stayed In this suspence wee continued three moneths in the 
three months, extreme heate in a Barge, not knowing what would become 
of us. At the end thereof newes was brought us, that 
the King had sent to the Eunuch, that he should see what 
things they were (for untill then he had not written to 
him but in generall) and signifie it unto him, and if he 
thought them worthie, he should send him a Petition 
touching that matter. Wee were somwhat more joyful! 
with this message, which was so indeed. And Father 
Matthew Riccio went to the Eunuchs lodging to receive 
the Kings answer, with such ceremonies and reverences 
as they are wont to receive the messages that come from 
the King. And to put this commandement in execution, 
he came to our Barge accompanied with many inferiour 
Mandarines, as witnesses, and in the Kings name hee 
tooke aU these things into his hands : which he sent unto 
his house. There he fell to reason with us, perswading 
us that wee should conceale none of the precious things 
that wee had brought (whereof his minde did so greatly 
runne) because the King would be greatly displeased, if 
hee knew that wee had any good things and would not 
give them him. Wee told him plainely the truth, putting 
him in plaine words out of that imagination which we 
knew he had conceived. And after many complements 
on both parts he returned to his lodging. 

He wrote to the King what things they were which we 
had brought, looking that he would straight have sent 
for them. But it fell out as it did at the first, that he 
returned no answer, and the cause thereof seemed to be, 
that they were things that he made none account of. Wee 
were now the second time in like case as wee were at the 
[III. ii. 355.] first, not being able to goe backe nor forward: for they 




would not suffer us to goe to Paquin, nor to returne backe. 

The Eunuch being readie to returne to the Citie of Lincin, Lincin, 

where we first met him, having need of the Barge wherein 

wee were, commanded us to bee removed unto an house 

in the Citie, there to stay untill some message came from 

the King, either good or bad. We removed with great 

pleasure, for the desire that we had to say Masse, whereof 

wee were deprived many moneths. After we were come TAis was the 

on shoare, we set up our Altar whereon we said Masse thiruenth of 

every day, preparing our selves for that which might betide ^^^^^^' 


This Eunuch could not bee disswaded from that which 
covetousnesse had perswaded him, to wit, that we had Coveu>usnesse 
brought some precious thing with us. And seeing it ^^J*^^^^^- 
seemed unto him that he could not get us by another 
way, to give that which hee desired, and wee had not; 
hee became shamelesse, and two dayes before his departure, 
he came with a great companie to our house, as though 
it had beene to visite us in friendship, we thinking nothing 
of any such thing: and when he was come in he began 
to speake unto us, and put us in great feare, asking us, 
how wee durst come so rarre into the Kingdome without 
leave of the King .? and that other Eunuchs had advertised 
him from the Court, that wee had many other things, and 
that wee would not shew them, nor give them to the King. 
While he was thus talking and dealing, hee commanded 
his men to seize upon all our stuffe, which we had in 
foure or five Hampers, and to lay them all out upon a 
banke, which with great celeritie above an hundred OflScers 
which came with him performed, and in two words, they 
undid and opened all, and with his owne hands he opened 
as many papers as he found, to seeke that which he desired : 
and seeing he could finde nothing that hee looked for, 
he tooke that which hee found, which was an Image of Images. 
our Ladie, being one of the two small ones which wee had 
reserved, that which hee left was better without com- 
parison, and very excellent, on which also hee had cast 
his eye : hee tooke also certaine Glasses, and other small 




things, of small importance, because there were no better : 
but that which grieved us much was, that he tooke from 

A Crosse and us a Crosse of very good and great Reliques, and a Case 

^A^chlkt ^^ Reliques likewise, and the Chalice wherein we said 
Masse, which because it was of Silver and gilt (which that 
yeere they had sent us of Almes from Macao) did please 
him; and when we prayed him not to touch it, because 
it was a thing consecrated to God, which the Kings of 
our Countrey durst not presume to touch, hee made a 
jest of it ; and the more it was told him that hee should 
not touch it, hee handled it the more with scome, saying, 
that though wee told him he might not touch it, yet 
we saw he held it in his hands without any difficulty or 

By the intercession of a Mandarine that favoured us, 
he gave us the Chalice againe ; but wee could never get 
the Reliques againe out of his fingers, as wee desired, For 
of all things else hee would depart with none. 

As he and those that ayded him so willingly were 
searching with much curiositie, and every one catched what 
he could, because all things lay tumbled on the ground : 

A Crucifix^, at last they met with a Case wherein was a carved Crudfixe, 
which was mine. He began to looke upon our Lord 
Jesus Christ being bloudy and wounded, being a very 
faire and pleasant sight to our eyes and heart, out very 
strange, foule and offensive to his sight. He used certaine 
gestures not saying any word, untill he was astonished, and 
turned his head, and asked what it was ? Wee told him, 
that that was the true God which made Heaven and Earth, 
whom all the World ought to worship, who died for our 
sinnes, and to give us life, and afterward rose againe by 
his owne power, and ascended into Heaven. He would 
not heare many reasons ; for it seemed unto him that we 
were deceived in worshipping a God that in his eyes was 
dead : againe, he looked wistly upon it ; and the small 

Suspicion. conclusion that hee made was, that that which hee sus- 
pected was true, that wee were very lewde fellowes, 
because wee had the shape of a man misused with so great 



inhumanitie, nayled on a Crosse, and all besprinkled with 
blood, as that was, and that it was nothing else but some 
witchcraft to kill the King; And though in this second 
point hee was deceived ; yet in the nrst he had great 
reason, though hee knew not wherefore, since our sinnes 
and evill deeds made Christ to be used on that sort. 

That which the Eunuch said in our house, he uttered 
also abroad: in so much that certaine grave Mandarines 
which favoured us, retired themselves from us, and sent 
us word, that from henceforth wee should leave that 
crucifixed man, and that seeing now wee remayned in 
China, we should whoUy conforme our selves unto them, 
for as long as we kept it they durst not speake in favour 
of us, because the report went that it was a device to kill 
the King. But our China Boy which was a Christian 
before he brought us the message, answered before the 
Mandarine, saymg. That this was the true God : where- 
fore not onely wee, but himselfe that was a Chinois would 
rather die then denye him one jot : whereat the Mandarine Dying 
was amazed, seeing him speake resolutely of dying; a ^readJuiL 
thing so much abhorred or the Chinois, even to speake 
of it : and so he sent us a moderate message, bidding us 
to hide that Figure, that no bodie should see it, for the 
report that went of it. The Eunuch gave out many 
threatnings against us, saying, that whether the King 
received the Present, or not, the least displeasure that 
hee would doe us was, to thrust us out of the Kingdome, 
as wicked fellowes, writing a Petition to the King against 
us. Besides this we remayned thrust into an exceeding 
bad and naughty house in the greatest force of the Winter, [III. ii. 356 
alwaies with many Souldiers within and without doores. The farce of 
the gates being shut with hanging Lockes, without suffer- ^'^^^^* 
ing our Boy to goe forth to buy any thing, without two 
Souldiers to goe with him. In which kmde of living This was tiL 
(though still with some remission of the rigour that we ^^ ^f&nnm 
were kept in at the first) wee continued above two moneths ^-^^^"^ 
and an halfe without any kinde of comfort or rest at any 
time of the day to say Masse. 




At the end of which time, the Eunuch returned to the 
same place. Wee verily thought that our conuning out 
of that place should not be such as it was, at the least we 
thought we should be thrust into a perpetuall Trunke or 
Prison, or in some worse place, as the same went, and the 
good will which the Eunuch shewed us. 

§. II. 

The King sends for them, is delighted with their 
Clockes and Pictures ; they are shut up, after 
take a house, are admired for learning ; Chris- 
tianitie of China. 

S the cause of our trouble was the Kings not dis- 
patching of our businesse, and our conceiving that 
hee misliked of our comming, so all was ended by 
his remembring by chance to aske where the strangers 
were, which certaine moneths past they had told him had 
brought him certaine Images, and certaine small Bells 
which strike of themselves (for so they call Clocks) and 
wherefore they brought him not those things, and that 
The King they should fetch them quickly ; and he gave the charge 
sends for them, of dispatching our businesse to a great Mandarin of 
Paquin, to whom it belongeth to deale with Strangers. 

These newes were brought to the Eunuch and us, who 
for the executing of the Kings commandement (whose 
Letter they obey without reply) sent us word that wee 
must goe to Paquin, because the King sent for us, and 
sent us eft-soones all the Pieces which hee had in his 
possession, and the most part of those things which he 
had taken from us, that wee our selves should put them 
in order, that they should receive no hurt by the way. 
Their journey, and gave us many men to carrie all our stuffe on their 
shoulders, and Horses for all our companie, and a 
Mandarin to accompanie us. Wee were lodged all the 
way in the Palaces of the Mandarins very honourably. 
Having travelled foure dayes, we came to the walls of 



Paquin, and they lodged us in an house without the walls. They cam to 
And because the King had referred the businesse to the ^^f«^'»i ^*» 4- 
Mandarin, which I spoke of, the Eunuch feared that hee ^y^'*^^'''^' 
should lose the thankes, which he thought to receive of 
the King for that present, if another Mandarin should 
meddle with it. That day hee caused all things to be 
made readie of the Petition and remembrance, which there- 
withall he was to give unto the King, and earely in the 
morning with other things and much Silver of the 
revenues which he presented, being all guarded with many 
Horse-men and Foot-men, hee carryed it to the Kings 
Palaces. Who having the memoriall delivered unto him, The present is 
commanded his men to receive all things. They received dettvered to 
the same : and when hee had seene all those strange things, ^^ -^^ 
the like whereof, or of so great excellencie, he had never 
seene before ; they say that he rejoyced greatly, considering 
and viewing all things a very long while, with great shew 
of admiration, especially of the Pictures and Clockes. Cloches and 
Hee commanded them to bring us to his Palaces, and ^'^ctures 
to enquire of us what kinde of thing those Clockes were, ^^^^^^d, 
and what thing was needfull, for to have them to goe 
well. Wee answered to the point. And from the place 
where we were on horsebacke, by poste on two Horses 
which we mounted, and with the like speed we came to 
the Court. At the fame of our comming, and for to see They are sent 
us an infinite multitude of people assembled, (because fi^ ^ ^^ 
Strangers are no ordinarie thing in China : ) and when wee ^**'''- 
came to the Court, those which had the charge of us, were 
enforced to make roome with staves. When we were 
come to a certayne place, a great Eunuch accompanied with 
above two hundred small ones, came downe to demand 
of us what the King commanded him, and to see how wee 
did handle those Clockes : They saw how we used them ; 
but wee answered to the question, that it was needfull to 
appoint some bodie of good capacitie to learne, which in 
two or three dayes would learne how to use them. e n hes 

When they had returned the answer, the King appointed taught to use 
foure Eunuches of his principall Mathematicians, to learne the Cloches. 



Tki Pictures. 

The King of 
CJtina Ms 

[III. ii. 357.] 

Three kindes 
of Kings. 

The EscurioU. 
Saint Markes. 



it, and command them to receive us in the meane while 
in his house within his owne Palace. They received us 
with much respect and good entertaynment. A great 
multitude of Eunuches came to see us, and every one 
to enquire what came in his minde. But the King, which 
all those dayes was occupied in rejoycing for those new 
things, commanded the Images to bee placed in a principall 
Hall, whether, as the Eunuches told us, the chiefe Queene 
went to doe them reverence: and they told us of the 
King, that hee durst not keepe them neere him, being 
afrayd, because they seemed unto him to bee alive. Often 
times he sent Eimuches unto us, to enquire divers things 
concerning our Countrey, whether it had any King, what 
manner of Apparell he wore, and what kinde of Hat.^ 
(for in China they make great difference of the apparell 
of the King, from the foot to the head, and of other men) 
and if wee had any Picture of him that we should shew 
it. We had a picture wherein was the Pope with his 
triple Crowne, and the Emperour, and the King with 
their Ensignes, kneeling before the name of God, and 
we gave them it for a show, declaring that those were 
three kinde of Kings, and that all of them did worship 
the true God, which made Heaven and Earth, whose 
Image we had given him. They carryed it unto him, and 
because it seemed to bee small, he commanded them to 
draw another greater, in colours by it. 

Afterward hee sent another to demand questions of 
the things of our Countrey, particularly or the Kings 
Houses. Wee had a Map of the Escuriall, newly cut 
in Copper, and a picture of the Place of Saint Marke in 
Venice, both which wee gave them. Though we suspect 
that they delivered but the second, saying, that they durst 
not give the other, because straight in haste hee would 
command them to paint them great, and there was none 
that durst take it upon him, though wee know not whither 
they delivered it afterward. Hee willed them further 
to enquire ; after what manner wee buryed our Kings : 
because in the matter of Burials and Sepulchers, the 




Chinois are great South-sayers, and put a great part of 
their felicitie in a good manner and pkce of their Biirials. 
At that time wee received a Map of the Death of his Death of King 
Majestie, (who liveth with God in glorie) and of the ^^^^/ ^^ *• 
manner of his Funerall, and so we answered him, as it 
was in the Map, to wit, that they made him a Coffin 
within of Lead (which continueth long) and without of 
excellent Wood, and put these coffins in a Sepulcher of 
stone, and for this purpose, there was a Church builded 
of purpose. They enquired many things of us of this 
kinde these few dayes, where unto wee answered, advanc- 
ing the things that belonged to the service of our Lord 
God, as much as we might, and concerned our Europe, 
as farre as the truth would permit us, because that we 
deemed it to bee convenient for the service of our Lord. 
They told the King so many things, that it seemed hee 
greatly desired to see us : But on the other part, he thought 
it would bee too great a courtesie, and much beyond his 
custome, who never sufFereth himselfe to be seene of his The King 
owne people, but of his Eunuches, and Wives that serve never sujffkreth 
him, and somtime very seldome of some one of the ^^^^(fi ^^ 
greatest Mandarins : yet, though he would not suffer \ommwpeopk, 
himselfe altogether to bee overcome of this temptation, 
yet he suffered himselfe in part, and hee sent to take our 
Pictures : which two Painters did, each of them by them- 
selves as well as they could. Yet in truth I neither knew Bad Picture- 
my selfe nor my companion in that picture, but as it was drawers. 
they carryed it away. It was not after such figure and 
manner, as your Worship hath knowne mee, but with a 
Beard an handfuU long, and a garment of a Learned 
honourable Chinois, though downe to the foote, and very 
modest : but from the head to the foot farre differing 
from our fashion. 

After the Eunuches had beene instructed three dayes, 
the King in haste sent for the Clockes, which they carryed, 
and set in order before him; whereat hee tooke such Eunuches 
pleasure, that he increased their Dignitie, advancing those preferred, 
foure which had learned this skill, to a greater place of 




to be 

their Order. The King asked them many questions of 
us, what wee did eate, and how much, and many other 
trifles. Whereunto the Eunuches answered (as they told 
us afterward) as wee could desire. 

They gave us all the welcomes of humanitie which the 
Jesuiusoffered King did shew us, appointing us all to bee Mandarins 
(which is the reward and felicitie of the Chinois) which 
wee alwayes refused, saying, that we came not for that 
purpose, but onely to dilate the Law of God, neither could 
wee take that office upon us: But we were so neere to 
bee made Mandarins, that they told us the King would 
bestow Dignitie upon us, that wee were enforced to beseech 
the Eunuches, that when occasion was ofi^ered, that his 
Majestic did aske them any thing, they would tell him 
plainely that we sought no kinde of Dignitie, nor could 
become Mandarins : who told him so much ; whereby our 
Lord God delivered us out of much trouble, which wee 
should have endured in refusing the same, if the King 
had bestowed it upon us. Wee continued in these 
demands, questions and answers, goings and commings 
to the Kings Court : for now we had lived a whole moneth 
abroad : in which time every day I at least was there, 
when wee could not goe both, because Father Matthew 
Riccio was occupied with other Ghests and visitations. 
They enquired and asked us, what we would demand of 
the King? Wee told them, that we sought no profit at 
all ; but if the King would give us under his hand, some 
certayne place and a House to dwell in, we would bee 
very glad ; because wee had none other intent, but to stay 
in some certayne place, and to seeke to dilate the Law 
of God. For though it bee true, that our purpose did 
stretch it selfe further (as I have sayd in the beginning) 
yet wee found things in so difi^erent a disposition from 
that which we imagined, that it seemed an exceeding great 
errour, to make any motion to give an entrance for more 
companie and Fathers : for it was certayne that we should 
doe no good, nor should finde any, which by any meanes 
durst presume to moove it to the King, and assuredly 


A Moneth, 



should lose all that we had done, and at last should cast 

our selves wholly out of the Kingdome: and therefore 

it was not convenient that we should bee knowne, that 

we had any companions. And many of our friends gave 

us counsel!, that wee should not seeme to seeke to dwell 

heere ; for in that very point, they would have us in 

suspition. Yet neverthelesse, we went as farre as we 

could, and as we thought might bee brought to passe, 

which was, that we might have the Kings license, that no [III. ii. 358.] 

Mandarin might (if hee would) cast us out. 

The Mandarin, to whom the King at the first had 
referred our businesse, seeing the Eunuch had wholly 
medled in the same without him, being much offended Mandarin 
therewith, did frowne altogether upon us, and made a 9ff^*^^^- 
warrant out, to take us wheresoever they found us, uttering 
certayne grievous words against us, because that being 
Strangers, and remayning in the Coxirt, wee presented 
not our selves unto him, to whom of right belonged all 
the businesse of Strangers. They were at the lodging 
where wee lay, and they shut up our Boyes ; for they never 
durst offer any discoxirtesie to Father Matthew Riccio, 
(which at that time was there.) At that time I was at 
the Kings Court, whither they sought to send me word 
to speake with the Eunuches, and that they, if they could, 
should advertise the King thereof, that they had appre- 
hended us. But they hindred with exceeding great care 
and diligence the going foorth of any bodie, and they 
stayed for me till I came home, (which came home thinking 
no harme at all) and when I was come in, they shut the 
doore without. 

Wee rode the next day very honourably on Horsebacke 
to the audience of the Mandarin, and signified unto him, 
that in that we did not present our selves, was not our 
fault ; hee used us well, and honourably ; but they put us 
in an house with a Guard, where wee continued some ^^ ^^^ '^' 
three moneths, yet so that certayne Mandarins came to ^^^ '^^^^ 
see us. This Mandarin gave the King a remembrance Mandarins 
that hee held us there : But that as our purpose was good Petition, 
xn 353 z 



to serve him with that present, it was reason to give us 
some reward, setting downe that it would doe well to 
give us the Ensignes of the Mandarins, and to pay us 
for that which wee had given him Royally; but that it 
was fit to send us away speedily into our Countrey, or 
to Canton (where untill then wee had dwelt : ) for it seemed 
not well, that Strangers should dwell and that in the Kings 
Court, entring into the Palace of the King everie day, 
being a thing so unusxiall. And in very deed hee had 
reason : for to suffer us to enter into the Palace, or to stay 
and lye there, they did us such a favour, that of long time 
the King of China hath never done to any Stranger. Wee 
feared some trouble by this Petition. But our Lord which 
had given us this bitter morsell, afterwards made it sweet 
to us againe, because the King made none accoimt of it. 
And albeit divers times afterward, the said Mandarin 
delivered foure Petitions concerning this point, hee made 
as small account of the last as of the first. And divers 
times the Eunuches told us, that the Kings meaning was 
of all likelihood, that wee should stay heere. For Fearc 
lest wee should returne into our Countrey, to give ncwcs 
and knowledge of his Kingdome ; as they delt with a 
A Turke kept Turke, which hath beene heere above fortie yeeres. True 
there, it is, that hee answered as little, in performing nothing 

that was in the Petition: But wee tooke it for good 
satisfaction, that hee did not yeeld to that, that we might 
not lose the other thing, which was the principall. 

When three moneths almost were spent, seeing the 
businesse would bee prolonged if wee attended the Kings 
answer, and being shut up we could doe nothing, nor 
negotiate any thing that we intended, nor deale in Gods 
matters, as we desired; wee sought to get out of this 
They hyer an place, and to get a license to take a House, and there to 
House. stay wayting till the King would give some order : and 

wee handled the matter so well, by meanes of certaine 
Mandarins which favoured us, and principally by the grace 
of our Lord, that wee obtained our whole desire: And 
we tooke an house in the chiefe situation of this Citie : all 




that which they gave us at the Kings cost in that place, 
which was sufficient for our sustentation, after wee were 
gotten out they gave us the same allowance in like manner. 

Many Mandarins of this Court, heard great fame of Fisitedby 
us and of our things : and understanding that we were Mandarins. 
come out of that place, began to come in great numbers 
and concourse with much honour and respect, courtesie 
and presents to visite us, and to enquire divers things 
which they desired to know. For the fame that went of 
us, that wee knew all Countries, and the things and 
customes of the World, and the materiall and spirituall 
things of Heaven, was great : and therefore every one 
came to enquire that which hee desired. And though our 
knowledge be but little, in comparison of the knowledge 
which is in our Countrey : yet being compared with theirs 
of China, which knoweth nothing of the world, save their China 
owne Kingdome, which by a common name they call, ignorance of 
The World: of God, and of the things of Heaven %^Z^^ ^ 
nothing, and of other things little, it was somewhat, and '^ ^ ^^^ 
was sufficient to send them home amazed, and alwayes 
with a desire to returne. 

They saw a very faire and great Map of the world HI Cosmo- 
which wee brought with us, and we shewed them how ff^^P^^^- 
bigge the world was, which they thought to bee so little, 
that they imagined that there was not so much more in 
all the same, as their Kingdome: And they looked one 
upon another, and sayd, wee are not so great as we Ignorance 
imagined, seeing heere they shew us, that our Kingdome, mother of 
compared with the world, is like a grayne of Rice, in ^^^i^^^* 
comparison of a great heape. They also thought, that 
there was no other Writing, nor no other Bookes in the 
world but theirs: and when they saw ours, which at the 
least they saw in outward appearance, to bee much better 
then their owne, they were astonied, and put out of their 
errour, doing us alwayes more and more honour: and 
chiefly they were astonied, when wee shewed unto them 
certayne things in the Mathematickes which they knew Mathematicks, 
not, giving Clockes to certayne persons, which for this [III. ii. 359.] 





end we made of purpose : and by these and other meanes^ 
and principally by discoursing with them of Morall 
vertues, (whereof they write, speake, and have many 
Bookes) and of Gods matters, there ranne so great a 
fame, that the greatest Mandarins of all this Kingdome 
(which are the greatest persons next the King) sought to 
converse with us, and to seeke our friendship: and so 
many sent us presents, and others came to visite us, with 
great numbers of people : others with much courtesie 
FoMre mouths, invited US to their houses : so that in foure moneths space> 
wee had gotten the greatest Mandarins of Pequin to be 
our friends, and readie to favour us in all things : And 
he which at this time particularly doth favour and honour 
us, is the President of that Audience, which hath the 
charge of us, and at the first approoved us : so that wee 
remayne Inhabitors of this Citie, with all libertic that 
wee can desire, to deale with all such as are willing to 
heare the things that belong to our holy Law, and their 
salvation. And by this good successe, our Lord hath 
made us forget all that is past. And though it bee true^ 
that hitherto wee have gotten no dispatch, nor resolution 
of the King, yet wee content our selves in that hee letteth 
us stay heere, although he never grant us more. For 
albeit by this our Journey, we have not obtayned all that 
wee desired, yet we hope that this our firme abode heere, 
shall tend greatly to the service of our Lord, and the 
good of this Mission. 

They bee commonly of good understandings, so that 
easily they fall into reason, and are capable : they have 
not in the government of this Kingdome, any thing that 
forbiddeth them to follow what Law they list, nor any 
Law nor Obligation, which is contrarie to our holy Law. 
They have none which effectually and with authoritie 
doth exhort them unto other Lawes, and with-draw them 
The basenesse from the truth. For the Bonzi (which are dedicated for 
oftheBonxt. ^j^jg purpose to Idols) are in the common conceit of all 
men, the most base, contemptible, and worst people in 
all China, whose least care is, to exhort them to any thing 


Hopes of 



more then to give them somewhat : and thus they doe 

not onely not exhort them to follow Idols, but also with 

their bad manner of living, perswade them (as wee have 

often heard of men of good judgement) that it is not good 

to serve them, since their Ministers bee such. And so 

in this matter of worshipping of Idols, though there be 

many that worship them, and have many of them, and use 

their Ministers for their Funerals, and other things, yet 

with very small affection, and devotion thereunto, we 

easily make them say that they are naught, and that it 

is not fit to worship them. 

Yet, though these things and others which I omit, doe 
helpe them with ease to follow the Law of God, the 
counterpois is great, and commonly it weigheth downe 
the ballance on that side. For first because the matter of 
Strangers is so odious in China, and the dealing with them 
so suspicious, one sort because they disdayne it, as the 
Princes, who albeit they now conceive better of us, yet 
to learne of Strangers, and to receive a Law which is not 
of their owne meanes, they hardly perswade themselves : 
others for feare, as the base people. 

The second difficultie, and perhaps the greatest, is a Indevotm. 
naturall oblivion, that all this Nation hath of another life, 
and of immortalitie, and of salvation or condemnation 
of the Soule : and not onely an oblivion, but also an 
aversion from all these things, wherein wee have likewise 
found them to differ from all other Nations. And it is 
a thing to be noted, that since it is a thing so naturall 
to Man to reverence some God, either false or true, and 
to feare or love him, and to conceive or imagine what 
shall follow after this life : Those Chinois, (which on the 
other side are of so good capacities in humane things, 
and so wittie therein) bee as though they were deprived 
thereof; for they are almost all Atheists, not knowing Almost 
nor worshipping neither false nor true God, nor never Atheists. 
thinking what shall follow after this life : And those which 
a man would thinke are most bovmd hereunto, which are 
the Learned men, are they, which have least knowledge 



Bookes of 
above 20CX). 
yeeres old. 

Sacrifices to 

Some Chris- 
tians made 

[III. ii. 360.] 


hereof: yea, rather one of the chiefest things that thejr 
commend, is, not to beleeve any thing that concerneth 
another life. Hell, nor Paradise, which they wholly place 
in this life. The Bookes which they studie from their 
Child-hood, doe them much hurt, which are of certayne 
Philosophers above two thousand yeeres old, whom they 
esteeme little lesse, then if they were their God, to whom 
every yeere they offer Sacrifices : of whom they hold so 
great an opinion, that they thinke not that any thing more 
may bee knowne, then They knew. And oftentimes they 
have asked us, whether wee had not these Bookes in our 
Countrey? What other Bookes might we have, that 
might compare with them.'^ And as these Philosophers^ 
as Gentiles, spake nothing of the other life, but onely 
of good Government, and Morall vertues, they thought 
they might attayne so farre, without beleeving that there 
could bee another life. By reason hereof, and of the 
common vices which Paganisme draweth with it, which in 
this Countrey increase exceedingly, by reason of the fat- 
nesse, abundance, and fruitfliUnesse thereof, they feele 
great difficulties to undergoe the yoke of Christ, (though 
it be so sweet) so contrarie to their appetite, which taketh 
from them the libertie which they have, in keeping as 
many Wives as they are able, and in a thousand other 

These later yeeres in the residencies of Canton, Nan- 
quin, and heere in Paquin, were made some true Christians, 
which overcame all these difficulties, and goe on forward 
with great integritie, constancie and fervour. In the 
Province of Canton, in a residencie which wee have in 
Xaucheo, a principall Citie, have beene Baptised within 
this two yeeres, about three hundred persons, which accord- 
ing to the Letters which even now wee received, doe all 
continue with great example and zeale. And the Man- 
darins and graver sort of people, mooved by the good 
example which they give, doe favour them much : and 
especially, our Lord hath shewed many tokens of his 
favour, in having shewed great plagues upon such men> 




as persecuted them for becomming Christians. And above 

all, God hath shewed his ayde upon the Women : who, 

besides the men, are very hard to bee wonne to receive Cksenesseof 

our holy Law, which is, the great privatenesse which they ^<wfi^- 

use, because it is not lawflill to see them, no not for their 

kinsfolkes. But as I say, herein the grace of our Lord 

God shewed it selfe very mightie, seeing it overcame 

this difficultie, and so many of them were Baptised, after 

they had beene very well Catechised by the Fathers. On 

Sundayes and Holy-dayes, because they cannot come to 

Masse with the Men, yet at least in this beginning, they 

meete in places appointed for that purpose, and there they 

Pray, and reason, and intreat of Divine matters. The 

men for the exhortations that they make unto them, have 

dayes appointed of themselves, and with their owne con- F?.^ relatimsX 

sent, to conferre and repeate that which they have toldK^^^'^^ 

them : which going home they repeate to their Wives ^ndl^revitie 

Daughters. umitted. 

Every day some bee Converted in Nanquin : grave 
and learned men doe enter. Heere in Paquin while wee 
have beene heere, we have Baptised some, and some great 
Mandarins come to heare. If our Lord doe helpe them, 
and shed his bloud upon these Chinois, (as hee hath done 
in Japon, and in other places) there will bee setled one 
of the most famous and learned foundations of Christi- 
anitie, that is in all the world. For the greatnesse of this 
Kingdome, their Lawes and Government conformable to 
reason, their being so studious as they are, and given to 
Learning, and to know so much as they know or Moral! 
vertues, and their good capacities gentle, docile, and 
ingenious, and the great peace and quietnesse which they 
enjoy, without havmg any bodie to trouble them with 
warre, promise much and give great hope, that the vantage 
which they have over other Nations lately discovered, in 
the gifts of Nature (being assisted by the grace of God) 
will helpe them in Gods matters. 

And I assure your Worship, that if the doore were 
opened to Preach freely and to Baptise, I say not that 



MMititude of 

Desire of 
Learning and 


Marke this 


the Fathers and Brethren of our Companie which might 
bee spared, but without any amplification at all, halfe the 
Religious men of all Europe, were needfuU to attend so 
many Cities, Townes and places ; and so infinite numbers 
of people as there are : albeit when Christianitie is once 
begun indeed, there is such abundance of grave people 
and of much estimation, that many of them might bee 
made Priests, Preachers, and Bishops, without feelmg any 
want of those of Europe : since as now they bee Gentiles, 
and their hope goeth no further then to this life, there be 
many very great Mandarins, whose chiefe delight is to 
discourse or things concerning Vertue, and oftentimes 
they meete together as it were in Fraternities to treate 
thereof; And the graver sort doe make Orations, and 
Conferences together, perswading one another, and deliver- 
ing the meanes to governe well, and to follow vertue. 
And without doubt, the more wee see of this, and the 
more zeale in these Christians, so much the more our 
heart is readie to burst to see them so destitute, and to 
have so few meanes to obtayne necessarie remedie and 

§. HI. 

The description of the Kingdome of China : of 
Catay and Musk ; the division into Provinces ; 
Cities and Towns described, Rivers, Shipping, 
Commodities, Diet, and feeding. 

Ow by the helpe of our Lord I will say somewhat 
that I remember, touching the Customes, Policie, 
and Government of this Kingdome, but not in 
such order as were requisite, because I have no leasure, 
and therefore I will onely write as things come unto my 
minde, though things bee not lincked well together, because 
I cannot first write one Copie, and afterward dispose it 
in order, with such distinction as were needfuU ; reserving 
that (as I sayd in the beginning) untill our Lord grant 
me a better opportunitie. 




This great Kingdome of China, is almost foure square, China foure 
as the Chinois themselves describe the same : it runneth ^^^^: , ^^ 
North and South from the Province of Canton, which is ^^'^'^>^^»- 
the most Southerly part of it, beginning seventeene or 
eighteene degrees under the burnt Zone, unto fortie two 
degrees, which is the most Northerly part of it : it con- 
tayneth from Canton by water, above sixe hundred 
leagues : but in a right line it is foure hundred and fiftie, 
on the East it confineth with Corea, which joyneth with 
the same, and with Japon, and with the Ocean Sea, by 
which they come from Peru, and Nueva Espana, to 
Manilla: On the West with certayne small Kingdomes, 
which lye betweene Bengala, the Lands of Mogor and 
Persian ; On the South, with the lies called Phifippinas, 
and the Malucas, and others, and more South-westerly, 
it hath Sion, Pegu, and other Kingdomes. On the North 
part, it hath those people which in our Countries wee 
commonly call Tartars, with whom they have alwayes had [in ii. 361.] 
Warre, and once they wanne all the Kingdome from the 

For the Readers better satisfaction I have here pre- 
sented him Hondius his Map of China, not to shew it, 
but the erroneous conceits which all European Geographers 
have had of it : A more complete Map of China I shall 
present after, as by comparison will appeare. 

This Kingdome standeth in an excellent climate and 
situation ; for besides the things which it hath in it selfe, 
it standeth very neere unto India, and other Kingdomes, 
from whence commeth with great facilitie that which it 
desireth and wanteth. And before I passe any further, 
because I have spoken of the situation and heigth of 
China, I will note for their sakes which would bee glad 
to learne, and also it may serve to mend two notable Two notable 
errours, which our newest Maps have. The one is. That erroun of our 
they make China a third part bigger then it is, placing this *^^'^ Maps. 
Citie of Paquin in fifty degrees, being in very deed but Paqmnin^o, 
in forty onely, as we saw, which twice tooke the heigth ^S^^^^- 
thereof with a very good Astrolabe : And the limits and 



The Kingdom 
of China goeth 
not past 42. 
China and 
Catayo are all 

Cambalu and 
Paquin are all 

[III. ii. 362.] 


It is so in 


end of this Kingdome, which are three dayes journey or 
lesse distant from this City of Paquin, are at the most 
but two degrees more : And so those great walls so famous 
in our Europe are in two and forty degrees; and this is 
the greatest heigth of the Kingdome of China. 

The second errour is, that our Maps make a Kingdome 
above China, which they call Catayo, whereas indeed it is 
none other but this selfe same Kingdome of China : and 
the Citie of Cambalu, which they put for the head thereof, 
is this Citie of Paquin wherein wee are. Wee finde this 
here to be true very plainely by occasion of certaine newes 
which lately were spred over divers parts by the way of 
Mogor, which gave out many things, and great matters 
of Catayo, which seemed to be so peculiar and proper to 
this Kingdome of China, that they made us doubt that 
it was not a severall Kingdome. After wee were come 
to this Citie of Paquin wee met with two Cafilas or 
Caravans, one of Moores of certaine small Kingdomes 
bordering upon China, another of Turkes with their 
Turbants of the Countries of Mogor, and of the great 
Ismael Sophi, (for with this very name they call him) and 
of other parts, which had knowledge by fame of Spaine, 
Italic, Venice, India, and Portugall. 

These Turkes and Moores are wont to come hither 
every five yeeres by Land, in the name of their King, to 
acknowledge and pay Tribute to the King of China: for 
which purpose they counterfeit certaine Letters, wherewith 
they easily deceive the Chinois, which thinke and hold 
that all the Kings of the World doe acknowledge obedience 
unto theirs. But the trueth is, that they come to use 
their trafficke and merchandise, and therefore the Chinois 
admit them willingly : howbeit many now doe know, that 
their paying of Tribute is a fayned thing : In which their 
trafficke they speed very well. For the King doth main- 
tayne them very plentifully from the time that they come 
into his Kingdome, untill their departure ; and they tooke 
all their Chists of them, whereof this yeere they brought 
a thousand. The King tooke of them at an easie price 




a great part of the merchandise which they brought, and 
afterward hee gave them rewards. The thing of greatest 
bulke of merchandise are a kinde of stones, which them- 
selves call Jasper stones ; which is white, yet somewhat Jasper stone a 
duskish, so that it enclineth to grey (which seemeth to i^^^^ 
bee that Jasper which so often times in the holy Scriptures ^^^ "^' 
is called Precious stone.) It commeth in pieces unhewen, 
but whole like peeble stones; which stone for many 
ornaments the Chinois esteeme much ; especially the King : 
and they buy every pound of the best at eightie Duckets : 
and of that which is worse, at fiftie or sixtie Duckets, 
whereby they gaine greatly. I have seene these stones 
of other colours in our Countrey, but not of this which 
the Chinois esteeme. 

When these men come to this Citie of Paquin, they 
put them into a great house, which there is for this pur- 
pose ; (wherein wee were two moneths) and suffer them 
not to come forth. Wee asked these men certaine 
questions: and one was this of Catayo, enquiring of 
them, How they called this Kingdome of China in their 
Countrey? They answered, Catayo, and that in all the 
Countries of Mogor, Persia, and other parts, it had none 
other name, and that they knew none other Kingdome 
that was called so. Wee asked them how they called this 
Citie of Paquin ? They said Cambalu, which, as I have 
said, is that which our men set downe for the head Citie 
of Catayo. Whereby it appeareth, that there can no doubt 
bee made, but that wee are heere resident in the Countrey 
which must bee Catayo, if there were no fault in the 
Maps ; and wee know that there is no such Countrey, nor 
Cities, but a few contemptible Moores and Gentiles. 

Wee understood also of their * Civet or Muske, whereof ""J/mizcte 
they brought some, which is, as it ^ were the maw (or ^/^?- ^^ 
stomacke) of a Beast somewhat bigger then a Cat, which ^^^ ^ 
they kill to cut away this maw. They breed wilde in rComobuche 
the field, and in a Countrey very neere to China, though Span, Latin 
not of this Kingdome. I had read when I departed out Stomackum. 
of Spaine, a Booke which is printed of the things of China, 



Rhubarb. See 

before in 



/. 164. 

j4 Sea of sand. 


call Bookes. 


which writeth of this Civet, and of other things, which I 
have scene with mine eyes: it reporteth many errours 
by halfe informations, which hee which wrote it should 
have beene better informed in, although in many things 
hee tell the trueth. They brought also great store of 
very good Rhubarbe, which heere wee bought of them 
of the choice, at ten Maravedis the pound : it is a wilde 
root like unto Navewes, whereof, they say, the fields are 
fuD. These men say. That there is a Sea of sand (which 
our Maps doe place in Arabia) neere unto China, which 
divideth it from Mogor, and other Kingdomes : And this 
should seeme to bee the cause, why these Kings, which 
heare great fame of this Kingdome, of the greatnesse 
thereof, and of the weakenesse of the people, doe not 
seeke to invade the same, being not very farre off ; because 
it would bee very difficult to passe over the same sandie 
Sea, with a great Armie. 

The Chinois divide this Kingdome into thirteene Pro- 
vinces, and two Courts, which are, as it were, two 
Provinces. Every one of them have their Metropolitane 
Citie ; and every Citie her division of so many Townes. 
It is knowne very particularly by Chinish Bookes which 
are written of this argument, how many Cities, Townes, 
and places there are in all the Kingdome, how many houses 
every one hath, and commonly what numbers of people, 
what every Countrey severally yeeldeth, and how much 
Tribute it payeth to the King, and many other things: 
but I doe not set it downe here : because I could not 
get those Bookes these few dayes past, to take a view 
thereof: At some other time, God granting mee life, I 
will doe it more at large. Onely I say in generall, that 
all the way which wee travelled, wee met with so many 
Cities, Townes, and Villages, that to beleeve their great- 
nesse, it was necessarie to see them. For your Worship 
will hardly beleeve, that wee spent two or three houres 
in sayling still by the walls of one Citie. After which 
there still followed many Townes and Villages, one within 
sight of another. And after this manner aU this way 



continueth, even to Paquin. Yea, the Villages are very 
great, and full of people, and of much trafficke. For CMna 
though wee give them this name (which among us signi- M^^- 
fieth some small matter^ The Chinois doe not distinguish 
them by great or small, and so their Villages are bigger [III. ii. 363. 
then others which wee call Townes. f^iUages as 

All the Cities and Townes are very well enclosed with f^^^^^' 
high walls. And because, as I said, I deferre this untill ff^aUs, 
another time, I will only speake of Nanquin, whereof I 
had some sight. 

This Citie standeth in two and thirtie degrees and an Nanquin in 
halfe, eight or ten leagues from the Sea, unto which it 3*- ^gr^rs 
hath a mouth, and a mightie River. It hath three walls ^^ ^" ^* 
of Bricke very high and faire, with very great and beauti- 
ful! gates, which they shut up very timely before night. 
This Citie, of old time, two hundred yeeres past, was 
the habitation of the Kings of China ; and so it continueth 
in very good condition : The streets are very broad, and 
all paved with very great square stones, or set with brickes. 
It hath exceeding long streets of two leagues, and two Streets long, 
leagues and an halfe, and in the middest of the Citie are 
the Kings Palaces, which are very great. Palaces. 

The Chinois declare the circuit of this Citie, that two Circuit. 
Horsemen going in the morning both out of the same 
gate, and one going on the one side, and the other on 
the other, going all the day they meet at night in the 
gate opposite to that which they went out at. The very 
truth is, that it is at least eleven or twelve leagues in 
circuit, and seemeth to have above two hundred thousand 200000. 
houses of people. It seemed to all of us that were there, ^•'^'* 
that Nanquin and this Citie of Paquin, each of them have 
as many people or more, then foure of the most famous 
and populous Cities of all our Europe, as Rome, Lisbon, 
and others of the greater sort. For whereas these two 
whereof I speake are in themselves so great Cities, not 
one nor two streets, but the greater part of the Citie every 
day doth swarme with people. 

There are about this Citie many others within one or 



Hancheo and 

Civitas call. 


Building not 
compared with 

Uniformitie in 
China Cities. 



two dayes journey, and very famous for greatnesse and 
trafficke ; among which there are two, one named Hancheo, 
the other Sucheo ; and this is very great and like to Venice, 
whose streets are halfe water and halfe land. The Chinois 
call these Cities * Paradise, to expresse the goodnesse, 
abundance, and cheapnesse of all things that are in this 
Kingdome, and come from other places. And Sucheo is 
so full of people, merchandise, and trafficke, that a Booke 
which is printed (wherein all things are set downe which 
the Provinces and Cities pay to the King) saith, that this 
only payeth one yeere with another in Sflver, Gold, Rice, 
and Silke, and other things, wherewith it doth greatly 
abound, twelve millions : so that there be whole Provinces 
that amount not to so much by a great deale : which though 
it seeme an incredible thing, yet they write it for a cer- 
taintie : and hee which knoweth what these Cities are, 
will beleeve it. 

Yet for all this, these Cities have no notable things, 
neither sumptuous Temples nor buildings, which are wont 
to be those things which doe beautifie a Citie: for the 
houses are not beautifull outwardly ; nor they use no great 
Porches, as they doe in our Countrey. And he that hath 
seene the things of our Countrey, and is skilfuU in archi- 
tecture, shal find it here very little. For the houses are 
low, and without galleries, lofts, windowes, or sight into 
the street; yet they have faire yards, and are very neate 
within, and painted with divers colours, with that Charan, 
or liquid Gumme, whereof I made mention before. And 
that which I speake of Nanquin touching the abundance 
of people, trafficke, and manner of houses, is after the 
same manner in the other Cities which we saw. For the 
Chinois are so like, and so uniforme in all naturall and 
artificiall things, that he that hath seene one of the prind- 
pall Cities, findeth no new thing to bee seene in the others. 
And albeit that other Cities are not comparable to these 
in bignesse, yet in multitude of people proportionally there 
is little difference. 

This Kingdome is commonly very fertile of all things 




that are necessarie for the use of man : and a great cause 

of the fertilitie and abundance thereof proceedeth of the 

great number of exceeding great Rivers which it hath; Commodious 

which besides the profit that the Rivers yeeld by the ^^^^^^ 

fishing, and besides the profit in watering of the grounds, 

wherein they stand the Chinois in great stead, they are 

occasion of great traflScke and communication of one 

Province with another with great ease by water, which is 

an enriching to them that use it, and of great plentie in 

every Citie of all things that are in the Kingdome. From 

our departure fi"om Macao, till within a little of Paquin, 

which is, as I said, sixe hundred leagues, wee travelled /» 600. 

not past one day by Land (because wee would not fetch ^^^^r^^^^^ 

too great a compasse about by water) wee travelled a great ^^j'^-^ j'^ ^^^^ 

part of this waj' unto Nanquin by the greatest River that exactly 

ever I saw in my life : which in some parts is above three measured by 

leagues broad, and very deepe : which the Chinois, for ^^^^^y ^ f"ore 

the greatnesse thereof doe call. The little Sea; and that ^^^^/ 

with good reason. For though it were an hundred leagues observer of ail 

fi"om the Sea where I entred into it ; yet there is great things, sup. 

abundance of fish of those kindes which breed in the §• 5- ^^/- 5- 

Sea; as Porposies, fishes with sharpe beakes, and others ^^S^^'^^^^ 
1 • 1 T I. perhapsQutan 

which I have seene. mentioned by 

I saw in this River neere the bankes thereof men fish Polo. 
with certaine Fowles as bigge as small Geese, like unto Fishing with a 
Ravens, with a long beake, and bending downeward like ^^^ ^f 
a crooked hooke, which the Chinois teach to fish : They Cormrants. 
have a very long necke, which they binde in such sort 
that the fishes cannot goe downe into their stomacke, but 
they fill their throat with them, if they be small fishes, 
and when they come out of the water, they make them 
cast them out : and if the fish bee great, hee fighteth with 
him, and beateth him with pecking, assaulting him with [III. ii. 364.] 
his bill, untill hee drive him up that the Fisher may see 
him ; which commeth quickly with a small Net like a 
Wheele upon a staffe, and hee taketh him under the water. 
And after this sort wee saw this Fowle take Fishes some- 
times of a pound, and a pound and halfe weight; and 




they say they take bigger. And because this fishing is 
so gainfiill and so certaine, they pay a certaine Tribute 
to the King for every one of these Ravens (or Cormorants.) 
Muddy River. Wee met with another River as great as this, which 
seemed to bee rather of mudde then water, because the 
water was alwaies mingled with earth, which whence it 
should come for so many yeeres, I wot not. They cannot 
Alum used in drinke the water without they clarifie it, which they doe 
clarifying of ^j^h Alume. Besides these two Rivers all the rest is 
^^ ' made by hand for vessels to passe to Paqxiin. 

Skifping, The Vessels which we saw in all the Cities which we 

passed, is one of the greatest things that belong to this 
Kingdome. For in every Citie there are two sorts of 
them, one sort of vessels for burden, and another sort 
Btap-houses. for houses. Some of them are very fiiire, and as fit to 
dwell in as houses themselves : and many of them also 
serve for houses for poore people, wherein they have their 
whole houshold, and bring up Hens and Hogs, and gaync 
their living in them. I remember that the same morning 
Multitude of that wee entred into Nanquin there went 500. Vessels or 
ships, more before our Barke, to enter at the same houre, with 

their sayles up most pleasantly to behold ; many of them 
being laden with divers things, all for the provision of 
that great Citie : and on this manner they continued all 
day long in going and comming. 
The excellent The Barges of the Mandarines (which are all made 
beauty of the ^^ ^y^^ Kings cost) are the most costly, and are most for 
Barges. ^^^ sight, and very great. They would much rejoyce in 

our Europe to see them : because it seemeth that there 
is nothing comparable to these in beauty. Most com- 
monly these have Trumpets, and Drummes, which they 
play upon when they passe by the Citie, and when they 
meet with others, that all may give them place. They 
are commonly as long as Gallies, and as broad or more, 
but very high, so that to get up into one of them is 
above a fathome high from the water, and therefore they 
Carrie a great burthen. 

And because I spake before of those which carrie the 



Kings Tribute, I will here speake more particularly. 
Many Provinces from whence they cannot carrie Rice and 
other like things with ease to Paquin, because they are 
farre off, pay their Tribute in Silver : but those Provinces Tribuus in 
from whence they may passe by water, pay a great part in ^^^y ^^ i" 
Rice. For which occasion all the Cities have great and ^^' 
strong Vessels made of purpose for this service. And 
when the time of their departure is come, every Cafila or 
Companie departeth from their Citie with a Mandarine 
that hath the charge of them. 

And they say that those Vessels which goe from this loooo. 
part of Nanquin, in all amount to ten thousand, though Vessels at 
they goe not all every yeere : yet they have alwaies more ^^^*"*-^'' 
for yeeres of greater plenty; and because many cannot vicutals and 
returne in time, to goe backe againe the next yeere. I looo.^r 
know not certainly how many they be; but this onely I other 
know, that all this way from Nanquin to Paquin, seemed T^^^^^: ^^ 
to be a path-way of these Vessels, whereby wee passed : ^i ^loo^ 
for they went all along, and because they went so deeply Patk-way of 
loden, oftentimes they wanted water. To helpe this want ships, 
of water (for because it is no naturall River it never 
overfloweth) it hath floud-gatcs like Sluces, wherewith Shues or locks, 
it keepeth in all the current three or foure or sixe houres : 
then opening the same, many doe passe with great ease, 
and they may goe very well untill they come to such 
another place. 

Besides these Vessels of victuals, they carrie to the King 
every yeere many others, which bring him particular things, 
and dainties, whereof this Countrey of Nanquin yeeldeth 
great store, and also for the service of the Kings house. 
Some Cafilas or Caravans of these are of pieces of Silke 
for the Kings house, which may be some dozen of Vessels ; 
others carrie many things to eate: and with one of these 
Cafilas we passed. They were nine great and fiiire Vessels, 
which carried pieces of Silke, and other things which they Silkes and 
are wont to burne in the Sacrifices which they make unto /^«^'. 
the dead, and before their Idols. They say, that these 
Vessels for particular things are a thousand : and as soone 
XII 369 2 A 



as they come within the Kings house, the Eunuches take 
the charge of them. From Nanquin unto the middest of 
the Kings Palaces, Vessels may passe by this River: to 
come to the place which they goe unto, they passe thorow 
the middest of the Palaces. In all these Rivers, when 
they want winde, the Mariners draw the Barkes with great 
, facilitie, and sixe or seven are sufficient easily and merrily 
to draw one of these Vessels laden. 

Wee met likewise upon this way a very great number 
Vessels fir of Vessels which came from farre, laden witn Brickes for 
"^ the Kings workes, and greater store this yeere to build 

a great piece of an house which fire from Heaven had 
burned : for this purpose they carried great store of timber 
for beames, and boords, and other lesser timber which are 
carried from the parts of Nanquin unto Paquin, some an 
hundred and two hundred paces long, and one log fastened 
upon another, so that these rafts grow high and great: 
they Carrie upon them frames of dwelling houses ready 
made, wherewith there goeth an inferiour Mandarine, 
which hath the care of it, and sometimes the Mariners 
goe with all their houshold', and breed of Hogs, Hens 
[III. ii. 365.] and Duckes: for sometimes they stay above a Summer in 
going to Paquin. These seven or eight yeeres this pro- 
vision of timber, Brickes, and lime, and other things hath 

The fertilitie of this Kingdome is great, of all things 

that seeme to be needfiill for the use of mans life. And 

if there bee any other Nation which liveth commodiously 

without needing trafficke with forraine Kingdomes, they 

are the Chinois. And though it bee true that some things 

come unto them from forraine Countries, yet are they not 

the necessary things for the life, and which all men use. 

Silver in The most that commeth out of forraine parts, and they 

greatest desire, is Silver: And that which all men carrie from 

r/^wj/ tn thence is very much, and very good merchandise : as Silke, 

Thegreatstore ^^^^^ Muske, Porcelanes, pieces of wrought Silke, raw 

ofmerchan- Silke, cloth of Cotton wooll, all kinde of worke in Copper, 

dise in China, Iron, and Latten, Quicksilver, Sugar, Honey, Waxe, 




Cinnamon, workes made of fine wood*, and gilded, as 

Bedsteads, Ink-horns, Cabinets, and an infinite number 

of other things, whereof there is so great abundance, that 

although they send out many ships laden for Japon, India, 

Manila, and other parts: yet without doubt they might 

provide ten times more : and if more would come to buy, 

they would alwaies have the more to sell. All things are 

very cheape, without all comparison cheaper then in our Cheafnesse. 

Countrey. A pound of Sugar is worth eight or ten 

Maravedis, and sometimes sixe : and if they buy any 

quantitie at once, an hundred pounds weight are worth 

nine or ten Rials of Plate : And here at the Court (where 

all things are dearest) a pound is worth twenty, or foure 

and twenty Maravedis. There is great store of Waxe 

and that veij good, which wee buy heere in Paquin for 

the service of our Altar, a pound for a Riall and a Quartill : 

and the pounds here are greater then ours ; for every one 

of them weigh sixteene Duckets of Silver weight. Honey 

likewise is very good cheape. Of Copper and Latten 

there is exceeding great abundance : and Latten made 

and wrought into any worke that a man would have, with 

the fashion and all is worth a Riall and a Quartill the 

pound. Needles an hundred a quarto, and- if they buy 

many together, better cheape. And I have set downe for 

example these small things to know the particular price, 

and of other things (though they bee not so cheape) after 

the same proportion. Howbeit those which come from 

forraine Countries to traflScke with them, had need to be ^ caution for 

very heedfull : for the Chinois lose not opportunities to ^^^& 

raise the price of them, when they may. erchants. 

The abundance of things for food is likewise great, to FictuaU store 
wit, of Oxen, Weathers, Sheepe, Goats, and more then and cheape. 
of all others of Hogs, because they are the common food 
that they live of, Deere, Hares, which they catch with 
Hawkes, whereof here and in other parts there are many. 
And when they are dearest here, one of them is worth 
foure or sixe Quartos : they be as great as they bee in 
our Countrey, and they are found at all times. Hens, 




Geese, Duckes, and sundry sorts of wilde Fowles, and* all 

other flesh is exceeding good cheape. Wee came to a 

very great Citie, where Beefe, Mutton, Hennes, all was 

of one price a pound, which was foure Maravedis. And 

in Nanquin (though the Court be there) a pound of Hens 

flesh was sold for three halfpence, Fishes after the same 

manner, or better cheape, because it stands upon the River. 

And I saw a Fish of ten pound weight sold for a Riall 

Sixe pence, of Plate, and we bought great Trouts at three Maravedis 

One halfpeny, ^ pound' weight. Egges ten, twelve, sixteene, eighteene 

for one Conduren, which in our Countrey is a penie half- 

penie farthing. Fruits are of the like cheapnesse. In 

our journey, which was when Abricockes beganne to bee 

ripe, which are here very good, they gave us two hundred 

for ten Maravedis. They are very much given to eate 

Herbs, fresh Herbs and Salads, and Pulse. At every banquet 

and good feast, there is alwaies Flesh or Fish. There are 

many Nuts, Chestnuts, Filberds, and Pine-nuts though 

but few. Figs, though not of our kinde, and yet as good 

or better, and many. And although they have all these 

things, yet every Province and Countrey doth not yeeld 

them all : but that which one wanteth another supplyeth. 

Their common food in stead of Bread is Rice sodden 

only in water, whereof wee all did feed, although at the 

first wee had much adoe with it. Commonly they have 

Two and three every yeere two Harvests, and in some places three. And 

Harvests in the Land hath great Plaines with Rivers to water the 

one yeere. grounds: for the fields of Rice doe much desire to be 

covered with water. 

Plaine From our entrance into Canton unto this Citie of Paquin,^ 

Countrey. wee met with few Hills, and especially from Nanquin 

Plaine of \oo. hither very few. Wee passed by a Plaine above an 

leagues. hundred leagues, farther then wee could' kenne. I saw 

likewise much Wheat, whereof they make rolls without 

leaven, sodden in the reeke or vapour of seething water, 

and so without crust, good for old folkes that want their 

teeth. Although that it bee true that the fruitfulnesse of 

this Countrey is very great, yet without doubt other 




things, save Rice would not be sufficient, if the Chinois 

were as great feeders as our people, and did not feed so 

sparingly as they doe. They all eate commonly thrice a ^pare feeding. 

day; once, betimes in the morning; the second time, at 

two in the afternoone; the third time, very moderatly 

at night. And besides the rich Mandarines, few others 

which are of good' abilitie, doe commonly eate either Flesh 

or Fish, but Pulse, Salads, and Herbs which cost almost Herb-eaters, 

nothing, and their chiefest food is Rice, or Millet, and 

hereof they fill their bellies. 

They have many Horses, Mares, and Mules, whose Hoises eaten. 
flesh they eate, though I have not heard report that the 
greater sort doe feed upon them. They have much Wine ^ines divers. 
of divers sorts; all made of Rice: but herein they may [III. ii. 366.] 
not compare with the Wine of our Countrey : Whatsoever 
they drinke, be it Wine or Water they drinke it alwaies 
hot. They are neate in feeding, for they touch none of Neatnesse. 
their meate with their hands, therefore they use neither 
Table Napkins, nor Table-clothes. All their meat is 
served to the Table finely minced. They use to feed with 
two small stickes of Ivorie, Ebonie Wood, or such like, 
wherewith they take up all their meate verie hansomely. 
And herein, I confesse, they have a great advantage of 
us : because this manner of feeding is very commodious, 
and such as everie man that hath triall thereof will much 
delight in it : and therefore our Fathers and Brethren in Jestdtes. 
Japon and Macao use it. Their alwaies drinking their Benefit of hot 
drinke hot, and eating little fi"uit (for they are not so drinke. 
greedie of it as our men are) doth keepe them from many 
infirmities and sicknesses, and therefore they live health- 
fully. They have no Olives, yet have they abundance of 
Oile. The best is of a kind of Herbe, which they call OiU made oj 
in Spaine, Alegria, which signifieth Joy or Mirth. I say ^«^^- 
not that it is as good as ours, but I say, I find no feult in 
it, nor I doe not desire it, nor much lesse the Chinois, 
which can eate nor smell no kind of Oile, because the 
smell thereof pleaseth them not, as sometimes wee prooved 
by a little or ours which we had: and they call their 





stinking Oile odoriferous, so great a force there is in 
custome. As the Chinois are diverse in divers Provinces, 
so are their Fruits : and those which grow in the Province 
of Canton, are not in all these colder Provinces. There 
are the best sweete Orange which hitherto we have knowne, 
which are eaten with the skinne. 



§. nil. 

Their Moneys, Apparell, Persons, Trades, Wealth, 
Learning, Marriages, Superstitions, Rites, and 

iHere is in this Kingdome great store of Timber; 
for proofe whereof wee need no more but to see 
the multitude of Barges laden therewith so good 
cheape as it is. And therefore I thinke a man may build 
a ship with all things necessary thereimto, three parts of 
foure better cheape then in our Countrey. They use not 
Much Gold to Gold, though there be much to be bought, but all is 
be bought in Silver, which they doe not coyne in Money, but cast it 
in Barres, and when they would buy any thing, they cut 
it and weigh it in certayne fine Weights like the Romane 
Weights in our Countrey : and therefore every body that 
will buy or sell, carryeth one of those Weights with them. 
Great store of Silver commeth out of forreine Countreys. 
But the chiefe Masse of it is out of the Mynes of the 
Kingdome it selfe, as also the Gold. When they buy or 
sell, they try the Silver of how many Kiliates it is : and 
one is worth more, another lesse, according to the good- 
nesse thereof. It was very necessary for the Chinois to 
weigh and try their Silver, and not to coyne it into money : 
for otherwise there would have beene a thousand deceits, 
wherein the Chinois are very cunning. They use Brasse 
Money, wherein also they try that which is true or false : 
for in all sorts there is deceit and mixture. They have 
the best Porcelane that hitherto hath beene found, which 
is exceeding good cheape, and in such plentie, that besides 


Brasse money 
used in China 



all the Kingdome of China doth furnish it selfe thereof, 
they send forth as many ships ladings as they will. 

For their Apparell, though they have great abundance 
and cheapnesse, yet in goodnesse they may not compare 
with our Countrey. There is much Silke and that very 
good, but they know not how to dresse it. They make 
good Damaskes, razed Velvets, Taffataes, and other sorts : 
but the colours, though at the first sight they seeme 
reasonable, are quickly lost and fade away. The ordinary 
apparell of the common people is of blacke cloth made 
of Cotton, or of certaync shags of Silke, which are very 
great, fiirre greater then a flocke, which only serve for 
this purpose, and are very warme. Persons of Honour 
weare commonly an outward Garment of Silke which they 
use in Visitations, and other like Actions : And there are 
many which alwayes goe abroad apparelled' in Silke, but 
not in such great number as that Booke setteth downe, 
whereof I made mention before. All men, even to the 
very Souldiers, weare their apparell long downe to the 
in-step of the foot, with very broad sleeves, open before, 
and fastened to the sides beneath the arme. They be so 
well contented and pleased with their manner of apparell, 
that they think there is none in the World comparable 
to theirs. And in very truth they bee grave and modest, 
and especially those of the Mandarins, which differeth 
fi"om all others, saving the Bonzi, which shave their Beards 
and Heads. All the men and' women let their Hayre 
grow long, and the men tnisse it up, and wind it on a 
knot on the top of their crowne. They weare certayne 
Nets on their heads like Coyfes, made very cunningly 
of Horse-hayre : and in the Summer time many weare 
Caps and Hats of the same. There are many sorts of 
Caps or Hats (for I know not what their severall names 
are) according to the state of every one. The basest sort 
which the common people use ordinarily is round. Their 
shooes, are of the same stuffe that their Garments are of, [III. ii. 367.] 
very commonly of Silke madte with many faire borders 
and knots. It is a discourtesie for a man to be seene 



*Sarcos laL 




(especially before any man of Worship) without a Cap 
on his head. They greatly esteeme for the most part 
things of our Countrey, and they are very deare. And 
some pieces of Silke which the Portugall Merchants brings, 
especially Velvets of three Piles, are far more dearer then 
their owne. All woollen cloth is much esteemed and 
very deare, likewise Chamblets, and fine Linnen-doth, 
which they bring from India are very deare. Looking- 
glasses, and all things made of Glasse, and many other 
things, which in our Countrey are very good cheape, are 
here deare, and in great estimation. 

The Chineses have commonly little Beards, small Eyes, 
and Noses, and all of them have black Eyes, so that 
they much marvelled' at the colour of mine, which are 
* of Gray or Iron colour (which they never saw) and they 
find many secrets in them, and very commonly they say, 
that these eyes of mine know where stones and precious 
things are, with a thousand other Mysteries, so that they 
thinke they have Letters in them. To paint an evil- 
favoured man, they paint him in short apparcll, with a 
great Beard, Eyes, and Nose. They are coraLmonly all 
white, yet not so white as those of Europe : and therefore 
to them we seeme very white. The Learned men are 
very grave, of very good capacitie, and appeare outwardly 
very modest and grave. 

There are Artificers of all Arts that are in our Countrey, 
and very many with the selfe-same manner forme of Instru- 
ments. Every man is free to follow what Trade he will, 
without being bound to follow his Fathers Trades, as 
divers times I have heard it spoken when I was in Europe : 
and those which will may study, forsake, or change that 
course of life. They worke very good cheape : but in 
cunning and excellencie ours most commonly excell them 
much, though in some things they be very skilfull. 

The service of young men and maydes is easie and good 
cheape, because there is great store of people, so that a 
yeares wages is not above two Duckets, and meate and 
drinke, without apparell. As there are many poore people 




that have many Sonnes and Daughters, it is a very ordinary Sak of 

thing to sell them, and this the cheapest thing in China. ^^^^^^ «'^^- 

For a youth of twelve or fifteene yeares without any 

naturall blemish will cost not past twelve or fifteene Rials 

of Plate, and in time of Dearth much lesse, and it is a 

common thing to buy them for service ; though they use 

them well, and marry them at their time. 

Although the abundance and riches of this Kingdome 
be very great, as the people also is : yet there is no body ^one very 
that is very rich, neyther in any state of people may they '^^^• 
compare in this point with our Countrey. You shall not 
find in China, which is able to spend twenty thousand 
Duckets of Rent, how neere of Kinne soever he be to 
the King, and very few, and those easie to bee numbred 
that can spend ten thousand Duckets, and the ordinary 
is no more which they possesse then that which their Lands 
and OflSces yeeld them, which is not great. But though it 
bee true that those of our Countrey possesse much more ret as rich as 
Silver, considering the cheapnesse of things in their ours very rich. 
Countrey, all commeth to one account. 

There are very few of the poore people idle, because Few idle. 
all of them commonly take paines, and earne their living. 
Though the multitude of the Nation be so many, and' the 
Kingdome so great, yet the surnames of all the Kingdome Surnames, 
are not above three hundred, and all of one syllable. 

There are some, though very few, which may be called 
Knights, which for service to the Kings in some necessities Knights. 
have given them OflSces in succession : but the common 
use is not to have any Nobilitie by Descent in China; 
neyther can any man say, I am of a better House then 
you. But the honour and Nobilitie dependeth wholly NobiRtie only 
upon Learning, and to obtayne degrees and Offices of i» Learning. 
Mandarins. And therefore an House which now is in 
Office, and* his Father bee one, if he have a Sonne a 
Doctor, which is made a Mandarin, he is honourable, and 
the honour continueth as long as the Learned men and 
Mandarins doe live. There is no man, neyther Kinsman j^^ i^^^ ^^^ 
nor not Kinsman of the King which hath ever a Village the King. 








of his owne that payeth him Tribute : but all men pay it 
to the King ; and' hee giveth stipends and wages to the 
Mandarins, so that they receive nothing of particular men 
by right, though they extort much continually by oppres- 

Commonly the Chinois doe marry from fifteene to 
eighteene and twentie yeares, and all of them doe marrie 
one Wife that is chiefe ; and this is their lawfiill Marriage. 
On the day of their Marriage, when the Bride doth passe 
to the House of her Husband, shee carrieth openly before 
her through the streets all the things which she bringeth 
with her, and all her house-hold stuffe : But besides her 
they may marrie (I say they may keepe and doe keepe as 
many as they are able) as many Wives as they will, which 
for the most part they buy : and afterward when they 
will, sell them away againe. They may not only not 
marrie with any Kinswomen of their Wives, but with none 
of that surname, though they have no shew of Alliance. 
The sonnes of the Concubines doe likewise inherit, and 
there is little or no difference in their state and honour, 
to be the Sonne of the lawfiill Wife or of the other, neyther 
make they any question of it. 

The thing wherein the Chinois are most observant, 
Ceremonious and Superstitious, is in their Burials, 
Funerals, and Mournings: for herein they shew their 
obedience and love to their Parents, whereof their bookes 
are full. It is a very ordinary thing to have great respect 
[III. ii. 368.] to their Father and Mother, and the disobedient are 

frievously punished. Many grave men and Mandarins 
egge leave of the King to leave their Offices which they 
have, and' to goe home to keepe their Father and Mother 
company, yeelding for a reason that they be old, and that 
they would goe to serve them. And it is a Petition in 
the sight of all men so just, that they grant it very usually. 
When the Father or the Mother dieth, all the Sonnes and 
Daughters (from the King to the meanest Peasant) doe 
mourne for three yeares. The mourning colour, which 
among us is blacke Bayes, among them is white Linnen, 



Funerals and 

Three yeares 
mourning in 
white Linnen, 



whereof they make all their apparell even to the Cap. The 
first monethes they weare a very rough Sack-cloth, girded 
with a Coard, like the bare-footed Friers. And though 
he be never so great a Mandarin, without any exception 
(save only the Mandarins of the Warre) assoone as hee 
heareth newes of the death of any of his Parents, he is 
to leave his OflSce and Dignitie, and all other Employ- 
ment whatsoever of Government and Examinations of 
obtayning his degree, and is to goe home for three yeares 
to burie his Father or Mother (and to mourne and* bewaile 
them). The grave men which have an house for this 
purpose, doe not straitway burie their dead, but keepe Keeping the 
them two or three yeares in the house, in a Chamber '^^^'^ ^^ ^'"'• 
which they keepe for this Office, and it is not the worst 
in the house : and very usually or every day they go 
thither to make them a thousand Ceremonies and Rever- 
ences, and to burne Incense, and other sweet savours, and 
to set over the place where they be laid, meate to eate ; 
and at severall times, many of those Bonzi doe meet, 
and with great Ceremonies begin their Service and Prayers, 
and their Sonnes, Kinsefolkes and Wives make lamenta- 
tion. The Mandarins do not only leave their Offices, 
and change their Weed's, but also all the things which Other 
they did use. Many sit not in Chaires, but upon low ^^^^^ 
Stooles : they visit, or suffer themselves to be seene very 
seldome : they change even the very Paper wherein they 
write, wherein they have a piece of another colour, in 
token of mourning : when they name themselves in their 
Letters, they use not the name which they did at other 
times, but others proper to the partie, as when he nameth 
himselfe, hee calleth himselfe disobedient, signifying, that 
by his disobedience to his Parents he did not preserve 
them alive. 

They use no kind of Musicke, and many change their 
ordinarie Diet into courser food. Upon the Funerall day Funerali day. 
they provide great company : many Kinsfolkes and Friends 
meete together, aU clad in white, with many Bonzi, (accord- 
ing to every mans abilitie) which sing with d'olefull 






Instruments. And by their apparell which they weare, 
and their time in singing, hee that knew them not, would 
take them for Clerkes revested, singing plaine Song ; for 
they much resemble them. They make many Beeres with 
men of Paper or of white Silke, many Banners and other 
Ensignes. The place whither the Corps goeth is adorned 
with many figures: the Corps is put into a very great 
Coffin. This Nation holdeth a great part of their ielicitie, 
for them and their Successours to consist in these things 
of their Funerals, especially in two, the Coffin or Chist 
wherein the Corps is to be layed, and the place of their 
buriall. The stuffe to make the Coffin of, wherein them- 
selves are to bee buried, and the making of the Coffin, 
they leave not to others to doe after their deathes, neither 
then may the body looke for much cost to make one of 
these Coffins, neither in this (as a thing of great import- 
ance) will they trust, no not their owne Sons: but they 
themselves at leisvire seeke some kind of Wood that is 
least corruptible, and Plankes which are commonly foure, 
sixe, or eight fingers thicke: which because they bee so 
thicke, and the Chists or Coffins very closely shut thev 
can keepe their Corps in their Houses without any evifl 
smell. Some spend in making their Coffin seventy, 
eighty, and an hundred Duckets. They hold it for a 
felicity to be able to get one of these that is good; on 
the contrary for a great disgrace, not to have a Coffin to 
burie himselfe in, and they are very few which faile in 
that one point. 
Buriall place. The Sepulchre and place thereof is the thing for choosing 
whereof they use great Sorcerie or casting of Lots, and 
doe it with great heedfulnesse, and with the helpe of some 
that are skilmll in this Art. For they hold opinion, that 
in making a good choice of the place dependeth a great 
part of their owne good fortune and of their Posteritie. 
And oftentimes they are a yeare in resolving whether it 
shall looke toward the North, or to any other part. And 
therefore the greatest and most contentious Sutes which 
are in China, are about places of Bvirials. These places 




of Burials are alwayes without the wals in the fields, or 
Mountaynes wherein they build Vaults very well made and 
strong of Bricke, stone, or other matter, wherein they lay 
the Coffin, and then close it up very surely: And after- 
ward now and then they come thither to performe certain 
Ceremonies, & to bring things to eat. They hold it very 
unluckie to burie a dead man in the Citie: and if they Unluc^e to 
know it, though he were the greatest man that is in ^*!^ '* ^^ 
China, they will not suffer him to bewaile his dead Friends 
much, especially those which are women. There are many 
which beleeve the passing of the soules fi-om one bodie Transition of 
into another : and therefore after the death of their Father ^^• 
and Mother, they will never kill any living beast, yeelding chi^^^^ 
for a reason why they will not doe so, lest some of them Superstition. 
should bee their Mother or Father, or some other person. 
And likewise many of them fast, because, that whereas 
some of them bee poore ; they desire afterward to be borne 
againe in a rich and honourable Family. 

Although it bee true that the most part of them beleeve 
not in Idols, and it offendeth them not to speake evill [III. ii. 369.] 
of them, yet commonly all of them at a certaine time of 
the yeare doe them some reverence, because it is the 
custome, though in no sort they worship them as Gods: Idolatrie. 
and those which put most confidence in them, burne Paper, 
Incense, and sweet smels unto them, and kill beasts before 
them. Their Bookes of these Idols speake of Hell, and 
in many places, or in a manner in all the Cities there is 
set up a portraiture of Hell made with bodily shapes, and 
many Devils, as uglie as wee paint them. It is very well 
set foorth, but badly beleeved : for it serveth only there 
for a b\igbeare. And if any beleeve that which the Idols 
say of Hell, that it is a place of torments, they say, that Of Hell, 
after so many yeeres be passed, all men come out againe, ^^ '* ^'**- 
and are transformed into some beast. Those which 
beleeve in the Idols, come before them to cast lots to Lots, 
know what things shall come to passe: howbeit I have 
not heard in all China, that there was any answer of a 
Divell in an IdoU, as is in other parts, in regard of the 






small beliefe that they have in them, and the lewdnesse of 
the Bonzi that serve them. Their houses wherein they 
set them, whereof as yet I never saw any good one, are 
commonly verie filthy and stinking. 

And besides this consulting of Idols, the Chinois are 
Divmers and much given to Divinations to know things to come, and 
— whether they shall have good or bad fortune; whether 
they shall have that which they desire or no: and there 
bee an infinite number of these South-sayers, and all of 
them pratlers, mumblers, and cooseners, wherebv they 
deceive many. And though the Chinois be of good 
understanding, and know that these fellowes know notmng, 
and every foot doe take them in lyes: yet for all this, 
there are verie few that when any occasion is offered, doe 
not consult with them. And though they seeme to bee 
but few, yet some of them are in league with the Devill, 
as oftentimes wee gather by certaine things. 

Many of these grave men of China, have commonly 
two follies, wherein they doe erre more then in other 
things. The first is, that they perswade themselves that 
they can much prolong their Lives ; and for this purpose 
they use a thousand inventions, and take many medicines, 
which indeed rather doe shorten their dayes. There are 
many Masters and Bookes of this foUie, which usuallie 
are grave and rich men. There are many that make them- 
selves very old folks, whom the people follow like Saints 
to learne some rule of life of them, wherein they put 
all their felicitie. Many doe not beleeve that we are so 
old, as we say we be, and that we doe dissemble: but 
that in deed we bee an hundred yeeres old, and that we 
know this rule to live for ever, and that we doe not 
Marrie because wee would live long. The other follie is, 
that they perswade themselves that they are able, and goe 
about to make Silver, whereof likewise there are many 
Bookes. They use for this purpose many Hearbs, and 
Quick-silver, wherein they spend that little Silver which 
they have, and remaine beggers, but not perswaded but 
that it is fecible, but that it was not their good luckc, and 


Studies to 
prokng life. 

Bookes of 



good fortune: and to obtaine this, many of them fast 

many yeeres. 

§• V. 

Their bad Souldierie and Artillerie ; Degrees, 
Priviledges, Honours and promotions of Learn- 
ing. Their Authors and Bookes, and Printing. 
The Mandarins commended. 

[Here are many Souldiers in many Provinces of SouUiers 
this Kingdome: and though they have had Peace f^^y^^fi^- 
these many yeeres, yet they still entertaine them : 
but because they bee lovers of peace and guietnesse, the 
most contemptible state, except the state or the Bonzi, is 
the Souldier. And indeed it is a most base people, which Basenesse, 
hath no valour nor worthinesse, much lesse any fortitude 
in them. Many of them are Porters, which beare on 
their shoulders, the Chaires wherein the Mandarins and 
honourable persons are carried. And at the time of 
Musters, which are made from time to time, they repaire 
thither, to obtaine wages, and thus they have no worth, 
nor jot of honour in them. The punishment wherewith 
their Captaines punish them, is the same wherewith they 
punish all other people: they whip them as wee doe 
Children in Schooles. According to the worthinesse and 
valour of the Souldiers, the beautie of their Armour, offen- yimmr and 
sive and defensive is answerable, which is fitter to bee ^rm^^' 
laughed at, then to be reported. They have no Harque- 
busses that are worth any thing: and all those which I 
saw (and I saw many Souldiers with them) had their 
barrels but a spanne long: so that it seemeth that they The barrels oj 
beare it and the rest of their Armour for fashions sake, their Pieces 
And I marvell not : for by reason of the exceeding great ^^^f^^fr 
Peace which they have so long enjoyed, they have none badSoui^ers 
occasion to become valiant : but they are able men when dis-respect^ 
occasion serveth, and it seemeth they will easilie become disusey and 
valiant. ^^^^ ^^^ 

The Mandarins of Souldiers, is also a thing of small ^jJg 
estimation, and they are nothing comparable with those 




which they call the Mandarins of Learning, which are 

those, which take Degrees. The Mandarins or Captaines 

of Souldiers, obtaine not the same for Heroicall arts or 

prowesse, but they make a Discourse or an Oration, upon 

[III. ii. 370.] some matter concerning warre, and they make choise of 

certaine of those which had done it best. Likewise thev 

Exercises shoote two or three Arrowes, to see if they bee skilfuU 

^^^^n^ in shooting. They have no use of great Ordnance. 

Or^«wr/. ^j^gj^ J g^^ jjj ^jjg Gates of some Cities, certaine small 

short Pieces, as broad at the mouth as at the nether end, 

which I know not whether they shot off sometimes or 

no : I saw about sixe or eight of them upon the Walls. 

The defence of their Walls is their height, without any 

other Artillerie. The greatest force and number of 

Souldiers, resideth in the confines of the Tartars. 

Tartarian It is foure hundred yeeres since a King of the Tartars 

conquest, wonne all China, (whereof Paulus Venetus writeth, which 

was in that Countrey) and they did also possesse it two 

hundred yeeres : at the end whereof, a Bonzo a very 

Feare of prudent and valiant man rebelled, and cast the Tartar out, 

Tartars. ^^^ remayned King, whose issue continueth untill this 

day. They alwayes keepe great Watch and ward upon 

this frontier. Many youthes of these Tartars remayned 

in China, and namely in these parts of Paquin, there are 

Mahometans, many which keepe and maintayne their Law of Mahomet, 

and have Mezquitas or Turkish Temples, and are much 

different in shapes and countenances from the Chinois. 

No weapons in Except the Souldiers, there is none that keepe Weapons 

houses. jjj ^YitiT houses : not because it is forbidden, but because 

there is no need of them : but rather the Learned and 

grave people, count it a dishonest thing to keepe Armour : 

there is no use of them but in the time of warre. For 

you shall never see them fight with weapons one with 

another as wee doe. But their fighting is to buffet one 

another, to pull them by the hayre of^the head, and to 

Notbloudie, Jraw them by the coller, and in two words to become 

fi-iends againe. Our men make no great matter of giving 

buffets and such like, for they kill one another. 




The Chinois are greatly given to Learning and studie ; Studious. 
for all their honour and riches dependeth thereupon. 
They have above fortie thousand sundry Letters : though Many 
many of them bee made one of another. They have no Characters, 
A, B, C, nor any thing like thereunto, as among us. 
But to signifie everie thing they have one Letter, and 
all diverse. Their words are of one syllable, and no more, Monosyliabk 
though their Letters bee so many. Those which are ^&^&- 
commonly used every day, are eight or ten thousand. 
They begin to learne to write and reade commonly, when 
they be seven yeeres old : they write with Pensils. They Pensil- 
have many little Bookes which encourage Children to writing. 
studie, exhorting them to take paines, with the reward that 
they shall grow to bee Mandarines. They know not, nor 
studie any Science, neither Mathematickes, nor Philo- 
sophie, nor any such thing, but onely Rhetoricke : for Rhetorike sole 
all the substance of their knowledge and fame of Learned '^' 
men, consisteth in nothing else, but to know how to make ^f^J^ 
a very elegant Discourse and Oration upon a theame, like Degrees toHch 
as in our Europe the Oratours used anciently. And as is more exact 
the Chinois have good wits, and by hope of reward are '^ Trigautius, 
verie appliable hereunto, they doe it with great excellencie, ^ \^d 
and occupie themselves with nothing else, and have no 
other knowledge to distract them from it. 

Every Doctor (after hee hath obtained his degree) Gkrj of 
setteth up in his Countrey before the doores of his House ^^^''^• 
a Title of verie great letters, which saith : This is the 
House of a Doctor : which all men have in regard. And 
before the doore, they set up many high Poles like masts, 
which everie Mandarin of that Citie where hee dwelleth 
sendeth him, with a Banner hanged up, and alwaies they 
remaine there. They make a verie excellent Arch 
triumphall, to him that hath the first degree, at the gate 
of his House. The Chinois esteeme more then we doe, 
the skill to bee able to write well, and Print everie yeere They Print 
a great number of Bookes, whereof there is no examina- yeerefy great 
tion nor choise, and everie man Printeth what hee list, ^f^^yf^oo^^^ 
good or bad, and so they make a booke of nothing. The 

XII 385 2B 



best which come foorth are of no Science : for as I have 
said, they know none: but they are onely of Morall 
sentences, to the advancement of good Customes and 
Government. Their manner of Printing is not like ours : 
for they joyne not their Letters, but for everie leafe they 
make a table which hath letters on both sides, it would 
seeme to bee very hard, but with the custome which they 
EaHe have gotten, they doe it with great ease, speed and cheape- 

Printing. nesse. I wiU send you some Booke well printed, that your 
Worship may see it. They also print Letters in white, 
I say white letters, and the ground blacke. And though 
in the former they come not neare us, yet in this they 

foe far beyond us. They usually print these letters in 
tones, and the letters stand not in the Stone upward to 
touch the Paper directly, but in the paper and the stone 
they stand all one way : and this is the order whereby thq^ 
doe this: They wet the Paper, and laying it upon the 
toppe of the Stone, they gently beate it with some vcric 

fentle thing, wherby the Paper which lyeth upon the 
tone sinketh into the hollownesse of the Letter, and 
resteth lower then the other, then with a kind of Inke 
which they have for this purpose, they finely lay it over. 
Printing whereby the Letters remaine white, because they bee 
white, deeper, and the rest remaineth blacke. I send you with 

this Letter certaine papers thereof, that your Worship 
may rejoyce in beholding the excellencie wherewith it is 
done. One of our Bookes of equall volume with one of 
theirs, containeth much more : for our letter is lesser then 
theirs. Though in China it be harder to learne to reade 
Most can write and write, then in our Country, yet there be few but know 
and reade, ordinarie Letters to deale betweene man and man. 
Poetrie, Likewise they make great account of Poetrie, and also 

the graver sort give themselves much unto it. It is verie 
ordinarie with them to send us some Poesie in praise of 
[III. ii. 371.] us, when wee enter into friendship with any. Also they 
Painting and make much account of Paintings, and playing upon Instru- 
Musicke, ments. And albeit they know but little in the first, 
because they have no Art, nor paint the things with 




-shadowes, and know not how to paint in Oile : yet in the 
second they are verie readie on their Instruments, and play 
gravely and leasurely. I heard certaine sorts of Musicke, 
especially in the Palace of the King: to welcome me, 
the Eunuches his Musicians played unto me awhile, and 
they pleased me : although in this, little it seemeth unto 
me they may compare with our Countrey, yet it is certaine, 
that they thinke they doe farre excell us. They have not 
above one kinde of Instrument, which the graver sort use, 
and make much account of, which is like unto our Harpe, 
although the fashion and manner of playing upon it, 
difFereth from ours, and from all our other Instruments. 

As in China there is no sort of people more honourable Noble Spirit of 
then the Learned men, and Doctors : so there is no people ^ . 
of better condition, and of more Honourable and more ^^ ^''^' 
Noble manner of proceeding. And albeit before they 
were Doctors and Mandarins, they were verie poore and 
base people, and many of their Fathers officers of vile 
Offices, (as it is verie ordinarie) neverthelesse, after they 
have obtayned the Degrees, they put upon themselves 
a more honourable spirit. And therefore albeit in China, 
wee indured much trouble at the base peoples hand, yet 
the Mandarins did alwaies use us honourably and with 
much respect: especially now, for which cause now no 
man dare trouble us. And if there bee any, which in 
title are like our Lords, Knights, and Courtiers, they are 
these. There are among them, men of much excellencie 
and sinceritie in their Office, which doe seeke the common Sinceritie of 
good : And without doubt they make us wonder, that ^^^^• 
seeing they bee but Gentiles, which doe nothing for the 
zeale of Gods honour, nor for his sake, they be of such 
sinceritie, which they shewed of late more then at other 
times, in having to doe with this wicked, vicious, and 
covetous King, which they now have: who though hee The present 
be so absolute a Lord, that with the same libertie, and Kings 
in a manner with the same facilitie, hee doth what he list ^'^^^^^^»- 
with the greatest Mandarins of his Kingdome, as well 
as with the basest people thereof. Yet for all this, of 




late yeeres there were many, who with great libertic and 

coiirage reprehended his faults by writing (which is the 

manner or speaking most publikely with hini) that all 

men might read it. And though they might feare some 

grievous punishment (besides the losing of their Offices, 

for that was certayn) neverthelesse, there were many men 

of courage which wrote unto him: among whom there 

was one very renowned: The letter which he wrote to 

Heroikezeale. the King, began thus. That although hee were assured, 

that he were to be hanged, and that the Fire were kindled 

to burne him, yet hee would reprehend his vices and 

lewdnesses, and the evill example that hee gave to all 

his Kingdome: And so hee did, and spake verie freely, 

and put him in great feare. And it seemeth that for his 

sinceritie and courage, the King had some regard of him, 

and though hee punished him, yet it was verie moderately- 

There fell out another accident in this kinde within 

these few yeeres, which because it is notable I will heere 

Kings Wives set it downe. This King hath many women besides his 

and Children, lawfiill wife, which among themselves keepe the order of 

first and second. Hee hath no Sonnes by his lawful! Wife^ 

but he hath one which is the eldest of the third or fourth, 

and others younger of the second. The Eldest by the 

custome or lawes of the Kingdome, is the lawful! inheri- 

tour, although he bee of the fourth wife: but hee bare 

more affection to the other and to her Sonne, and desired. 

Question of the by her perswasion, to advance him to bee Prince, and 

Successor. would not have advanced the lawful! Heire. The time 

being passed to performe the same, many Mandarins lost 

their Offices, for reprehending him of this disorder, and 

for seeking to make him advance the Eldest. But the 

principall Mandarins of the Court perceiving that hee 

proceeded on, and would not doe that which they 

requested, and which was reason, consulted together, and 

published a Proclamation, which commanded afl the Man- 

Thousands of darins which are in the Court (which are above some 

^^'^L • thousands) that under paine of losing their Office, they 

^ ^^^' should all meete at such a day, and such an houre, in sucIl 




a place of the Kings Palaces. When they were all 
assembled at the day appointed, with their Ensignes of 
Mandarins, they put up a Petition unto the King, saying, 
That since so often they had advised him of a thing so 
Just, and that hee made none account of them, not seeking 
to advance the true Prince, that hee should seeke those 
that would serve him, that all of them would there give 
over their Ensignes of Mandarins, and would no longer 
serve. It seemeth the King was afraid of so great a 
resolution of the chiefest men of his Kingdome : And so 
hee commanded an Eunuch to goe foorth unto them, and 
answer them, that they should resume their Offices in 
<Jods name, and that hee would fulfill their request. 
Finally, they did effect so much, that they caused him to The Prince 
doe that which was reason; and so this veere 1602. hee Proclaimed. 
advanced the true Prince, of whom hereafter I will speake 

§. VI. [III. ii. 37*1 

Of the Government of China : Of the Mandarins ; 
the China Complements and manifold nicities. 

Ow I have touched the state of the Mandarins, it 
offereth it selfe to speake of the manner of 
Government in particular; But I confesse unto 

your Worship, that the multitude of Offices which they 
have is so great a frame, that I was not able to understand 
it, to reduce it into order. Onely I will say in generall, 
that they have many good things belonging unto Govern- Gwemment 
ment, but not the execution : finally, it is a Government S^^ tfwell 
of Gentiles, with a thousand faults. There are no great ^-^^^'^^ 
store of Lawes, but commonly they decide Controversies 
of their owne heads, and make Lawes in their Jurisdiction lattfes 
after their pleasure, every one diverse. And heere your lamUsse. 
Worship may imagine, that the Government in the practise 
cannot bee very just, since every one that can tell how to 
make a good theame or exercise, are not sufficient to bee 
Law-makers: And it is very ordinarie among them to 





Dance in a 
Net naked. 



Mandarin^ or 
of Heaven. 
See of these 
after in the 
discourse of 
Ricius and 

The second. 


direct all things to their owne profit, whereby of necessities 
they commit many absurdities and wrongs, and take all 
that they can get : Bribes are usuall, and men use these 
more then any thing else : And though one of them know 
this fault in another, they all dissemble as being in the 
same fault, that others may winke at them. And though 
they seeke to hide it from one another, yet it is like the 
secret of Anchuelus. 

The Mandarins are many in all Cities, but very extra- 
ordinarie in the Courts of Nanquin, and Paquin. For in 
this Citie of Paquin, besides the Mandarins of Armes^ 
whereof no great account is made, and are more in number 
then the rest; and besides those which alwayes repairs 
thither, upon the businesses of all the Provinces : TTiosc 
that properly belong to this Citie and Court, are above 
two thousand and five hundred : who all, or the most part 
heare Causes ordinarily twice a day ; so that wee cannot 
imagine what businesses occupie so many Mandarins, nor 
what is the Jurisdiction of everie one. The most prin- 
cipall which are in all the Kingdome and heere, are sixc 
Presidents of sixe Councels, being the chiefest of the 
Kingdome. There is one, which is the greatest, to whom 
belongeth the government of all the Mandarins of the 
Kingdome, to advance them to higher Offices that doc 
deserve it, and as much as they deserve, to chastise and ta 
degrade those which badly performe their Office : which 
because it is a place so great and honourable, the Chinois 
call him. The Mandarin of Heaven : who proposeth all 
these things to the King, as to promote, to advance, to 
disgrade the Mandarins, and the King confirmeth them : 
So that all the Mandarins how small soever they bee, that 
are in all the Kingdome, are appointed by the King. The 
second hath the charge of all things belonging unto 
Ceremonies, as well humane of Courtesies, and ceremonies 
in all royall Acts, as in making the King, the Prince, and 
in marrying of them, &c. And all that which belongeth 
to the worship of the Sacrifices of the Dead, and omers- 
which the Kings offer to Heaven and Earth. There i% 



another chiefe of the Councell of Warre : another of the 
Kings Treasure, which taketh the account of the Kings 
rents : another Councell is of the Workes, as of the Kings 
houses, provision for all things necessarie, for the WaDs 
of the Cities, &c. There is another of Chastisement, 
whereunto causes criminall and sentences of Death doe 
belong. Above these (sixe) there is onely one Degree, 
which are absolutely the greatest, before whom what- 
soever the King doth in any thing is consulted of. 
Although it bee true, that these be rich and opulent in 
the conceit of the Chinois, yet none of them in any thing 
may compare with any of the meanest Lord of title, of our 
Countrey. The wages which they have of the King is 
small : the attendance which they have, is of base people, 
and of small countenance, yet they are much respected 
and obeyed : And the common people kneeleth unto them, 
as to the Mandarins. The common chastisement which 
all the Mandarins doe give, is to whip them with peeces 
of Canes, of foure or sixe fingers broad and thicke, where- 
with oftentimes they dye, when it is layd on soundly. 
Whipping is as common as it is to whip Children in the 
Schoole : And sometimes for nothing they give a dozen 
stripes, as well to the Plaintiffe as to the Defendant, and 
therewith they end the Suites, and they stay to give none 
other sentence, but say : Give him twentie stripes. 

Usually when the Mandarins of any State goe through 
the streets, men goe before them crying, or making a noise 
with Instruments, for the people to give place. And in 
particular Cities, when a great Mandarin passeth through 
the streets, all men hide themselves and goe into houses, 
and the Handicrafts-men cease from their worke, and that 
in such sort, that I saw once in a Citie in a street of great 
trafficke, a Mandarin appeare, and in a moment every 
bodie got away, even the very Dogges, with exceeding 
great silence : so greatly they bee reverenced of all men. 
And many carrie Chaines trayling them before them, and 
other Instruments. But in the Courts (though the Man- 
darins bee greater) the people runne not away, they doc 




The third. 

Counsel/ of 
State, or the 

Their wealth 
and wages 


State and 


[III. ii. 373.] 

by death rare. 

The great 
frosts of 
Winter in 

Bookes of 


no more but give way that they may passe. In the Courts 
many Mandarins, though they be great, ride on Horse- 
backe, and others in Chaires : but besides them, all goe in 
Chaires carried on mens shoulders, which according to 
their Offices are two, or foure, or eight. 

Every Province hath a Visitor, which publikely visiteth 
the same every yeere, and taketh information of the Man- 
darines. There are secret and privie visitors. Sometime 
one is sent : But it is no usuall thing, and as I have 
heard, it is long since it was left off! I speake this, 
because I alwaies heard when I was in Spaine, that the 
Chinois used this manner of Visitation. 

The Visitor onely may give sentence of death. They 
be not cruell in punishments by death. Onely the King 
useth some cruell execution : and namely this King that 
now raigneth, which is a very wicked man. One of them 
is that which lately hee caused here to bee executed upon 
eight men, by the great frosts of Winter, for no great 
offence for so cruell a punishment, and as they say, falsely 
imputed; And this it was: Hee caused their nedces to 
be put through a thicke planke, which taketh a great part 
of the head, and they set the plankes to stand upon 
Formes, so that the man standeth upon his feet day and 
night in the middest of the street, with men to watch him. 
Hee condemned them to this punishment for three 
moneths : but they died before fifteene dayes, with their 
legs all rotted, and burst with standing alwaies on foot : I 
my selfe saw them stand on this fashion, which pitied me 
extremely. I never saw nor heard of anv other cruell 
punishments; though, as I have said, often times the 
Mandarines kill them with whipping, which is a very 
cruell thing. 

The Chinois are very curious in writing of newes, which 
usually they set out in Print, and in a very short space 
disperse them through all the Provinces. There are 
alwaies Bookes wherem all the Mandarines of the King- 
dome are written, as well their names as their Countries : 
And because they be changed every foot from one place to 



another, they blot out and put in the names as soone as 
they know them, with great facilitie. 

One thing among the rest is (wherein they bee very 
dutiful! and prolixe) in their manifold courtesies, which 
are of many sorts, according to the estate of him with 
whom they have to doe. The usuall fashion is when they 
visite one another, the stranger is set on the most honour- 
able hand (which in some pkces is the right hand, and in 
the Northerne Provinces the left) and putting one hand 
in the sleeve of the contrarie arme, which is very long 
and wide, they lift up their hands so fastned together, then 
bending their (head and) body downe to the ground, 
saying, Zin zin, which is of no signification but an inter- 
jection of urbanitie, their bowing veneration they call, Zo 
ye : they change places to repay courtesies. After this the 
Guest sitteth downe in * the Chaire of the Master of the 
house, and the Master of the house another besides that 
which the Guest hath, and each of them setteth them in 
their due place, which is the strangers Chaire in the highest 
place, distant from the wall, and the Chaire of the Master 
of the house is set in the midst of the lowest place, one 
over against another. After this (when they have ended 
their salutations) they straightway cause a drinke to be 
brought, which they call Cha, which is water boyled with 
a certaine herbe, which they much esteeme, for this is a 
want of civilitie and courtesie : and at the least they must 
drinke of it twice or thrice. He bringeth forth some 
Fruit or Sweet-meat, and a Spoone to take it up. If the 
Guest stay any time, straight without faile they will bring 
out some thing to eate, but with some preparation, answer- 
able to the occasion and person : whereon they eate very 
little, unlesse it be at the ordinary houres of feeding, and 
then they eate somwhat more. 

When they visite one another (unlesse they be very 
great friends and familiars) a Boy goeth alway before, 
which carrieth a Libell or Booke of visitation, which they 
call Paytre, which is as much as, A Paper of visitation : 
And this name never faileth, for alwaies they use it: 



of courtesie 
and entertain- 
ment. That 
foAicA is in a 
little letter is 
added out of 

*When they 
salute in the 
street^ they 
tume to the 
Norths side to 
side: at home 
to the head of 
the house y 
tohich is 
against the 
doore. North- 
ward also their 
Temples and 
being made 
with the doore 
to the South, 
Cha or Chia a 
drinke made 
with a 

certaine herbe, 
Paytre or 
visiting paper. 
These Libels 
consist of iz, 
pages of white 
paper apalme 

Wr. see Ric, 
pag. 66, 



wherein his name with modest epithets (as many perhaps 
as Visitors) are written, according as the quality is of them 
that visite, and those that are visited; so is the manner 
most different whereafter they write the same: to wit, 
with more humility, either as our better, or as an equall,. 
or as an inferiour, as a scholer, or as a master : for as the 
relations are many and particular, so the fashions and 
manners which they use are divers. Of these things, and 
of all that hereafter I shall say touching this point, I will 
send you the examples in their owne papers or visitations, 
which great Mandarins, and ordinary men brought unta 
us, setting downe in our tongue upon every letter the 
declaration thereof. And I doubt not but your Worship, 
our most deare Fathers, and Brethren, and as many others 
as shall see the same will rejoyce thereat. And when that 
Paper is brought, they came newes into the house to him 
that is visited, which prepareth himselfe to receive his 
Guest, which commeth within a while after. When they 
be not people which they see every day, they use not 
ordinary apparell in their visitations, but they have gar- 
ments proper for this purpose, of a farre different fashion. 
And if^by chance one come so apparelled, and another be 
not, he sayth, that he durst not salute him, nor receive 
him before he had put on his apparell, so he getteth him 
away in great haste to put on his apparell, and then they 
begin to performe their complements. 

When the Guest departeth, hee alwaies goeth before,, 
and at their going out of the doores they use salutations, 
and offers of courtesie ; according to the qualitie of the 
Guest, and the Master of the house, so he bringeth him 
more or lesse way, or unto the street : or if he goe so farre> 
he stayeth till he take his Chaire, or his Horse, and then 
lifting up their armes and sleeves unto their heads they 
take their leaves and depart one from the other. When 
they are departed, the Visitor and hee that is visited, each 
of them send a Boy to give one another thankes, one for 
his visitation, the other for his good entertaynment and 
[III. II. 374.] friendly usage. If hee that is visited be not at home, 


Sabuation or 



Taking leave. 


they leave the Paytre at his house, which is a token that 
hee came to visite him. Hee that is visited is bound to 
requite his visitation presently, or the next day, if he bee 
a man of Worship, or if they bee equals, within three or 
foure dayes : which payment is performed after the selfe 
same manner: and if hee finde him not at home, it 
sufficeth to leave the Paytre there. If hee that requiteth 
the visitation bee a farre greater person then the first which 
visited him, (as if he be some great Mandarin) hee which 
first visited him, returneth the next day in person with a 
paper, wherein hee giveth him thankes that he came to his 
house : and if they see one another, he giveth him thankes 
by word of mouth. When the man which visiteth is of 
great Worship hee sendeth word a good space before with 
a Paytre : and the Master of the house commeth forth to 
receive him, and to bring him into the house. All their 
Houses and Lodgings, have alwayes an head and more Head place of 
honourable place (which is the highest part) where alwayes ^^ ^«J^- 
they place the Guest. Likewise in their writing they use 
a great difference, according to the estates, Dignitie and 
Age : and in their Letter, the greater the Mandarin is, . 
they use the greater Letter : those that are equall, or Great Letters 
inferiour use a very small letter : likewise they observe the M ff"^^^ 
same order in speaking to every one according to his ^^^^^^' 
qualitie. When they meet in the streets, the ordinary 
courtesie, is, to put their hands into their sleeves, & closing 
them together to hold them up, & to use a common 
speech, which they have for this purpose. When a couple 
enter into new acquaintance, they doe yet more, and that First 
is, they kneele downe, and touch the ground with their acquaintance. 
head so often, and with so great ceremonies, that I dare 
not speake of them, lest I should never make an end. 

When they send Presents, they write downe all things Sending 
which they send in a paper, as they doe their speeches, Presents, 
with words of Honour : whereof I send likewise examples 
to see, of very grave persons which sent us Presents. 
And whether the partie receive the Present or not, or onlv 
a part, he alwayes sendeth backe another paper witn 




certaine red lines (as herewith is to bee seene) with a Letter 
which sayth : I thanke you much : And when he receiveth 
the Present, hee alwayes giveth some money to the youths 
that bring it : and hereby he remayneth bound to answer 
him, with another Present as great at the least : And 
herein they be very precise, especially persons that are 
not of the greatest account. A thing which I finde very 
strange, and which doth put us to much trouble, to be 
driven equally to answer tnose Presents which the greater 
Mandarins doe send us, for they alwayes desire some thing 
of our Countrey, and here we are very poore. 

They send us somtimes from Macao some Clockes of 
sand, or Houre-gksses, some Knives, some cases of tooles 
for Surgeans, and other things : for they much esteeme all 
things that come from our parts : and with these things, 
whioi in our Countries are little or nothing worth, heere 
wee procure friends, which stand us in exceeding great 
stead to conferre with them of our holy Faith, ana of the 
salvation of our Soules. 

Besides their Presents and visitations, they have Gossip- 
BanquetHng. pings and Banquets, whereunto very usually they invite 
one another. When these be very solemne, they set every 
Guest two tables for himselfe, one of Flesh and Fish, &c. 
another of Fruits and sweet Meats. When they be not 
so solemne, one table for every man, or two at every 
Table : they provide for these Guests great diversitie of 
meates well dressed and seasoned, which they bring soft 
and fayre one after another, that they may be hot. When 
they invite one to a Banquet, they send sixe or seven 
dayes before a paper, wherem they invite him against such 
a day. If hee cannot come, he sendeth another paper, 
wherein he saith, I excuse my selfe : If he excuse not 
himselfe, he is resolved to come. This paper is sent with 
many words of courtesie, & with much honour. On the 
day appointed in the morning, hee sendeth another to 
invite him againe for the selfe same day: and at the 
appointed houre, hee sendeth another to pray him to 
come : and then hee goeth : If any of these messages 




should fayle hee would not goe. When he is gone to the 
Banquet, they use many other ceremonies : But the most 
adoe is, about their places, so that it is long before you 
can place them, and allot out the roomes how they shall 
sit, because they ever seeke, or at least make shew that 
they seeke to give the chiefest roome to others. They Feasu to taste 
feed not as men use to doe in our Countrey: neither and bride it. 
seemeth it that the Feast is made to feed, but onely they 
taste of some small thing for fashion sake ; and they drinke 
very sippingly in small Cups of Porcelane, each of which 
will contayne five or sixe Thimbels-fuU of Wine; and 
heerein and in devising, they spend five or sixe houres at 
a Banquet, and goe home an hungred. And thus it 
happeneth unto us; although wee seeke to excuse our 
selves fi-om them as much as we can, because wee lose 
much time, unlesse it bee some great Mandarin, who we 
feare would take it evill, if wee should deny his request. 
When the Banquet is ended, the next day every one of 
the Guests sends his Boy with a paper, wherein hee 
thanketh his Hoast for his good cheare. 

Heere your Worship may see, wherein the Chinois Chinois Com- 
spend the one halfe of their life. For the greatest pkmental and 
businesse they have, and that wasteth most of their time, ^^«»^^^^ 
is in Visitations, Banquets, and sending of Presents. And ^^^^ ^^ * 
the time wherein they most of all use the same, is their 
New-yeere, which lastcth fifteene dayes : their Birth day, New-yeere. 
which all of them keepe with great solemnitie : or when 
they goe foorth, or come home on a Journey. And to 
end the whole yeere, I send you some Papers of visitation 
of all these things (whereof they have sent many unto us) 
that your Worship may see (though you understand not 
the outward Letter) the manner and fashion of this people, [III. ii. 375.] 
how farre different Salutations, manners and fashions, we 
send you from the plainenesse of our Europe, and especi- 
ally of our Companie, But for the present, wee all thinke 
it necessarie to eate after this fashion, and to use their 
customes, to obtayne more free accesse unto them, and to 
winne them to Christ. 


A Turke 


applauded by 
the Chinois. 



There is a Turke heere, a dweller in this Citie, which 
above fortie yeeres agoe, brought one or two Lions to the 
Father of this King : who, partly because hee knoweth no 
Learning nor Sciences, and partly because hee sought not 
to apply himselfe to the habite, customes, and manner of 
China, there is none that will deale with him, nor come 
neere his house : And through the grace which God hath 
given us, and because they see us apply our selves to their 
Apparell, Fashion, and Courtesies, all the gravest Man- 
darins come home to our house to visite us, and doc us 
the favour, to hold us publikely for their Friends : which 
they use not to doe, to their owne Countrey-men, of our 
qualitie and condition: praysed bee our Lord alwayes, 

I will not omit to declare the great pleasure, wherewith 
these learned Chinois heare the great consent of the things 
and ceremonies, of our holy Faith in Europe, and that 
wee have Bishops, and, as we call them heere. Mandarins, 
and superiours in Spirituall things: and above all^ they 
rejoyce exceedingly to heare of our Pope, that being so 
great a personage they preferre a Learned and Holy man 
by way of Election, and not by Succession ; and likewise 
the obedience and subjection which other Kings doe yecld 
unto him ; and that there have beene many (as wee told 
them) who being chosen Popes, refuse it in good earnest, 
and by no meanes will accept the same : and that we have 
all things which concerne the Law of God and good 
manners, set downe in writing, with all other Bookes con- 
cerning him, or his Ministers. 

And although that which I have spoken hitherto of our 
high Priest, is a thing very apparent and true, and wee 
delivered it for such, and they so understand it : yet often- 
times they have given us occasions of laughter. The 
first was, That when wee told them, that some refused so 
great an Office: straight-way they aske, where you say 
that they refuse it, is it not evident that their excuse win 
not bee accepted? As who should say, if they would 
accept of it, who is there that would make an excuse? 



And thus they say, because they doe so themselves: for 
when great Offices are bestowed upon them, eftsoone they 
offer up a Petition, making a thousand excuses to the 
King not to receive them : and they desire nothing lesse, 
neither can any thing happen so grievous unto them, as 
to accept their excuse. But usually they be not admitted : 
though sometimes they bee, to their great griefe of heart, 
as I my selfe have seene : But to excuse themselves, or to 
refuse with some danger, is the use so common, that they 
will not fayle to doe so : for if they should not doe so, it 
were more certayne that they should goe without the 
Office. The second thing that made us more to laugh, 
is, that many of them tell us, that if wee would returne 
into our Countrey, without doubt they would make us 
Popes : The reason (though not openly) which they yeeld, 
is, that wee have a great advantage above other men of 
our Countrey, to wit, that wee have seene, and studied, 
and understand their Bookes ; because that they onely, in 
their opinion, can make a man perfect, and generally seene 
in all things. Such is the high conceit and reputation 
which they hold of their Bookes. 

§. VIL 

Of their Women : Of the Tartars Conquest, Acts 
and Expulsion. The greatness of the King, 
and neighbouring States. Of the Queenes 

Will conclude this Letter with two points : the one 
concerning the Women, whereof I have little to 
say : and the last is of the King, and of his Palaces Palace. 
and Services. 

Every man (as I said before) may keepe as many Wives Polygamie 
as hee will, and so they doe : which is the cause of many ^f^pous, 
tumults, quarrels, and disorders in their houses among 
their wives, and among the Sonnes of divers Mothers: 
and therefore when wee tell them, that in our Countrey 
no man marryeth but one Wife, they never are satisfied 



Closenesse of 


[III. ii. 376.] 

Histories oj 
their Kings, 

Knowledge of 
the Flood, 


in praising it in words, though neverthelesse they doc not 
follow it, nor put it in practise. And the discontentment 
which the Women have among themselves, and with their 
Husbands for this occasion, is like to proove a great 
encouragement unto them, to make them desirous to 
receive our holy Faith, and to perswade their Husbands- 
to embrace the same, seeing that it doth not permit any 
more but one lawfuU Wife onely. 

Of their other Conversation, Customes, and other 
things, wee know nothing, neither is any thing to bee 
learned : for they keepe house all their life time, and goe 
out of doores exceeding seldome to visite either their 
Mother or Sisters, or nearest kinswomen, for they goe not 
to any else, no not in thought : And therefore as they have 
no conversation, (but alwayes to keepe home) I can speake 
nothing of their behaviour. Their Apparell seemeth unto 
mee honest and comely : (for sometimes I have scene the 
Wives of Officers, and of the poore people, for many of 
them doe goe abroad.) In some parts of the Countrey 
wee have met many women upon the high way, in short 
garments, like to the men of our Countrey, without any 
difference, save on their heads, and their feete : for all the 
rest is all one kinde of Apparell; but these are the 
common people onely: One of the greatest ornaments 
that the Women have, is, to have verie little feete, and 
they are so little, that they goe verie badlv, and alway 
they seeme to goe as though they would tall. I could 
not know the cause, nor the Chinois themselves know not 
the originall occasion, why this is counted for a beautie : 
albeit some say, it began not for a comelinesse, but onely 
with a purpose to cut off all occasion from them of going 

The Chinois have beene very carefull in their Histories, 
and therefore they have histories of their Kings of above 
foure thousand yeeres. And if credit bee to be given ta 
that which their Bookes report, touching those times, and 
is gathered by divers of their Histories ; There are many 
more yeeres from the Flood to our dayes (whereof they 



also have some knowledge in their Bookes) then the most 
followed and allowed Calculation among us, which treate 
of that matter, doe allow of: for they say, it is sixe 
thousand yeeres at the least. They say that they have 
continued Histories. But I leave this, because I have not 
well conferred the truth and foundation of the Chinish 
histories. At the least it is certaine, that they have know- 
ledge of their matters, and certaine Kings within a little 
after the Flood, whensoever it was. They had many 
ancient Kings, which were verie good men, which it mav 
bee were saved in the law of Nature, because the heroicall 
workes of Vertue, which they report of them were great, 
and there is no record that they worshipped Idols, but 
some, that they worshipped the Lord or Heaven and 
Earth. There were some that sought not to leave their 
lawfull Sonnes to bee their Heires, because they thought 
them not fit for Government, but choose the wisest and 
best man, that they could finde, and left the Kingdome 
unto him. 

This Kingdome in old time was divided into many 
small Kingdomes, untill by little and little it was united. 
It is some foure hundred yeeres (as I said before) since a 
Tartar King possessed it whollie, and two hundred, since 
a Bonzo or Religious man of China recovered it. This 
Mahumetan Tartar King, left some tokens of himselfe in 
things that he did. Hee left in Nanquin, certaine Mathe- 
maticall instruments of Copper, the like whereof for 
goodnesse peradventure are not in all Europe, at least not 

The Chinese Bonzo which expelled him out of the 
Kingdome, was a very valiant and wise man, and there 
bee many Histories of his wisedome, and sentencious 
sayings, and judgement in hard matters : and the manner 
and forme of Grovernment^ which hee ordayned in this 
Kingdome, which continueth inviolable, doth greatly 
declare the same. Hee made new Offices and gave new 
Names to all of them : An usuall thing when one house 
beginneth to Raigne, to change all, even the name of the 
XII 401 2 c 



made a Kingy 
and "Nature , 
made a 
contrary to 
Scripture^ Wr. 


The China 

New Lordsy 
new Latves. 





King, as also of all Offices, and also of many Cities. I 
omit the division of the Government into so many heads, 
and so good distribution, that it seemeth (and so the 
Chinois say) it is like to continue thoiisands of yeeres, so 
that no man of the same Kingdome is able, nor hath any 
K^toic' ^ P^^^^ ^^ make any Rebellion of importance. For those 
^ ^^' which in former time revolted, were the Vice-royes of the 
Provinces, and other great Mandarins, in whose power 
were the Government, the Souldiers, and the treasure. 
But hee divided it in such sort, that those which had power 
over the Souldiers, should have no money at all, neither 
should the pay of the Souldiers depend upon them : and 
those which keepe the Treasure must have no super- 
intendencie and dominion over the Souldiers. Otnen 
which were mightie and rich, hee impoverished and 
divided their Authoritie and Revenues among many ; and 
so there is no man that can call himselfe Great. I remem- 
ber that I had read in a Booke, set out in the Spanish 
tongue, of the great power of certayne Captaynes, and 
because the King did not trust them, hee sent one of his 
house to will them to come unto him. 

All which relation, with many other things which hee 
reporteth of the providence of the King, how hee divideth 
his Authoritie among divers Princes, is not so in truth, 
neither in truth, neither is there any apparence thereof, 
neither have the Captaynes much authoritie, neither arc 
they very rich : for though they have many people, yet the 
government of them is divided into divers heads, so that 
they can hardly assemble to raise any Rebellion, especially, 
because they remaine alwayes in the Kingdome, and necrc 
about the King. 

The Revenue of this King, without doubt, is exceeding 
great, and untill wee have gotten it out of their Bookes 
(wherein every thing is set downe very particularly) I will 
not presume to publish the same, not as though I knew 
not that it is so, since whilest a man knoweth more of this 
Kingdome, he doubteth lesse : Yet because I feare for all 
this that it will bee hard to make one beleeve the same, 






others say 1 50. 

which knoweth it not of a certainty ; making the Accounts 

not very large, his Revenues are one yeare with another 

an hundred Millions in Silver, Gold, Rice, and an infinite 

number of other things: although the greatest part is 

Silver. And he that considereth the greatnesse of the 

Kingdome, and that every man payeth Tribute to the King 

of their Persons, Lands, Trees, and other things (without 

carrying any Tribute out of the same) that which I speake 

wil not seeme excessive. But as his Revenue is very 

great, so his Expenses are many. For those which in this Expences, 

Kingdome doe live at the Kings charge are many, to wit, 

all the Mandarins to whom the King giveth Wages, all 

the Souldiers, all the Kinsfolkes of the King, his 

Eunuches, and an infinite number of people, whereby his 

charges are exceeding great, although alwayes there 

remayneth a good deale for him to lay up : and there is no [III. ii. 377.] 

doubt but hee hath it in store in exceeding great quantitie. 

Many small Kingdomes round about acknowledge the 
King of China, and pay him Tribute, as Corea, and others, 
whose names I know not on this Northerne part : and on 
the side of Malaca and Macao, many others. And some- 
times on these Northerne parts they trouble him 
somewhat, in robbing and killing of people. It may be 
that your Worship, or some bodie else may demand, why 
the King of China being so great, subdueth not these 
small Kingdomes that lye about him to deliver himselfe of 
trouble.^ I answere, that he wanteth no abilitie: but I 
will say one sure thing, a Paradoxe to the people of our A Paradoxe. 
Europe, which is. That neither the Chinois, nor their King 
doe seeke, nor dreame of dilating their Empire more then 
it is. And this their resolution is such, that although they 
would give them all these Kingdomes, they would not take Cwtenudnes. 
them, & much lesse if they were farther off. For they 
hold it for one of the greatest miseries (especially the 
Mandarins & grave sort of people) to go out of their 
Kingdome to any other part. 

There is one of the best Examples hereof that may be 
-given : which fell out of kte, and that was, that as by the 


Corea or 




to the Conti- 

danger which might grow to his Kingdome, if the people: 
of japon should winne the Kingdome of Corea, which is 
. joyned to China by the mayne Land, as they began to 
nent of China, j^^ . ^j^^ Chinois ayded the Coreans with many men : and 
the people of Japon by the death of their King called 
Quabacondono, did wholly abandon it. The Kingdome 
remayned in the power or the Chinois, and so continued 
two or three yeares. After which they wholly gave it over, 
without any other greater respect, then that there were 
none that were willing to goe thither to governe it, nor 
that the King had any need to annexe it unto his Estate. 
And without doubt, it seemeth that he would doe the like 
with any other, although they would put it into his hands. 
And touching those Kingdomes which pay him Tribute,, 
there is no great account made, whether they come or no : 
and their continuall comming, is more for the profit of 
those which come, then that the King doth desire it. And 
therefore the Philippine Hands which in former times paid 
Tribute to the Kings of China, were made none account 
of when they ceased to pay it. 

This King hath one lawfiill Wife (as other men have) in 
choice whereof they have regard to nothing else but to 
her good qualities and externall beautie, for there is no 
Nobilitie to be sought for. Besides her hee hath a great 
number of Concubines chosen after the same manner, 
whose Sonnes (if the lawfuU Wives Children faile) inherit 
the Kingdome, which commonly falleth out, and such is 
he which now is King, and he which is to succeed him. 
When any of these women be once entred into the Kings 
Palace to bee his Wife, there is no name which may bee 
compared unto her in being kept close ; for they may not 
only not goe abroad, no nor bee seene of their Father, 
Mother, or Brethren. They have little or none authoritie, 
but such as they obtaine of the King. Also the service of 
the King, of the Queene, and of his Concubines, is all by 
Eunuches, a service doubtlesse unworthy of a King. AlF 
these Eunuches (without any exception) are of the most 
base people which are in all the Kingdome, whose Fathers^ 







numbers and 

.{because they cannot keepe them when they were young) 

doe make them Eunuches, in hope that one day they shall 

get into the Court to serve the King > the manner is farre 

different from some which are in Europe : for these bee 

like those which the Turkes use. Because their Fathers The yard an^i 

doe this for povertie, it followeth that they have no excel- ^^ ^^ <wtfj^. 

lencie, for they have no meanes to learne it, and they are 

litde or nothing Learned. 

They elect and choose these Eunuches from time to 
time to supply such as die, and this first yeare that I was 
here, they chose above three thousand, for which purpose 
there assembled above twentie thousand (as they say) out 
of which number they made their choice. The Electors 
were a verie great Mandarin ^to whom, as I said before, 
the Kings private businesse belongs) and another Eunuch 
of the eldest and most private. The Examination and 
Election consisteth in two things, which are a good 
Countenance and a good Tongue : for proofe whereof, 
they make them pronounce two words, wherein those that 
have not a readie Tongue doe stumble. When they are 
chosen, and gone to the Court, they divide them in divers 
Offices : yet at their first comming, they are appointed to Service. 
waite upon the old Eunuches as Boyes, which make good 
triall of their patience, and obedience : and he that after 
certaine yeares sheweth himselfe towardly, they begin to 
employ in greater matters. 

Of these Eunuches, the King hath his Musicians and 
Mathematicians, who, to bee bnefe, I say, have no sound 
understanding in these things at all, but only for com- Ignorance. 
plement or superficially : vet some of them are bound to 
watch all night, and to looke whether any Comet doe 
appeare, or any such like thing in the Skie, to enforme the 
King thereof : and to performe other like Offices. They 
are usually verie covetous, and as they are base, if they Covetoumesse, 
rise to bee private with the King, some of them be proud 
and uncourteous. They serve the King as slaves, obeying 
his will which way soever he indineth. The King 
chastiseth them verie sharply for every light offence: 




especially the King that now is, which is a very wicked- 
man. He hath caused many to be whipped to death, for 
some small matter wherein they have offended him. Yet 
there are some of them good and discreet, which the King- 
useth for dispatching of his businesse, and other matters 
[III. ii. 378.] of weight. Though the ordinarie wages which they have 
of the King bee small, yet it servcth them well to live of, 
and therefore they goe verie well apparelled in many Robes- 
of Silke verie finely wrought of divers colours, and the 
manner of their Cap and Apparell differeth fi-om all other 
peoples. There are of them in niunber, as they say, above 
sixteene thousand of them in the Kings palaces. Hereby 
your Worship may see what Examples and Education the 
King of China observeth, which spendeth all his time with 
these and with women. 

Although it be the custome of these Kings, to shew 
themselves from time to time to certaine of the greatest 
Mandarins : yet they never suffer the rest of the people 
to see them, nor to speake with them; and when he 
speaketh with any bodie, they enter not into the place 
where hee is ; but the King commeth forth to a certaine 
place. If there be any Nation among whom the Law of 
Nations hath no place in many things it is this : for as 
they have no commerce with other Nations, so they have 
not the Law which is common to all men. And therefore 
they admit no Ambassadour in China, unlesse it be by the 
way of giving some Present, the King not acknowledging 
any ; neither doe they thinke that there is any in theWorlc^ 
which is able to deale with their King by way of an Embas- 
sadour. And if they bring any Message (as the Japons 
brought within these few yeares, who came to intreate of 
certame agreements, by no meanes they are admitted to 
the sight of the King; neither doth he give them 
audience: but some Mandarin doth accompany them: 
and the entertaynment which they give them, and honour 
which they shew to all strangers which come unto them is 
verie small. But as for the most part they have no great 
conceit of strangers, so their entertaynment is like to their 


The common 
people never 
see nor speake 
with the King, 

Law of 




conceit. Whosoever he be that commeth into their 
Countrey, they shut him up in a verie homely house, not 
suffering him to goe abroad. 

The Kings Palaces are verie great; and albeit in the RoyallPalace. 
excellencie of Architecture they bee not comparable to 
those of our Europe, yet they much exceed in the huge- 
nesse of Building. They have three wals foure square, 
the circuit of the first may be as bigge as the wall of a 
good Citie. Betweene the first and mt second wall, there 
is a wall which environeth the greatest part of the House, 
and here are many Houses of the Eunuches of the lowest 
sort, which exercise Mechanicall Arts, or the like, as 
Porters, &c. 

Betweene the second and the third wall there are many 
pieces of the Kings House, which is not joyned altogether, 
but in divers parts there be divers Roomes, built for divers 
purposes, one answering to another. These parcels of 
Buildings which are here (which are everie one as long as 
the Careere of an Horse, and very high) have no under 
Roome, but a great Building raised up with foundations 
of great Brickes, as broad and long as all the Building, 
wherein there are Gates of Marble stone very wel wrought 
to passe fi-om one place to another. This house or 
Foundation is about eight fathomes high little more or 
lesse. Above these are guilded Galleries, Tarasses, Hals, 
and Chambers, which on the out-side shew verie gallant 
(which is as much as can be seene ; for no man can get in 
to see them.) The greatest part of them is of Timber, 
with many gilded Enibossements, and many other pleasant 
Pictures. The Roofes are verie well made. The Tiles 
are of a farre better fashion, in mine opinion, then ours, 
and so even joyned together that they seeme to be all 
one piece : they are all anneled with yellow, which is the rellow is the 
Kings Colour. To conclude, I say, that it seemed unto ^^g^ Colour. 
me in multitude of Houses and greatnesse a stately thing. 
Also betweene these wals the River runneth which I spake River and 
of : and to passe fi-om one to another there are many faire ^^^&^' 
Bridges of Marble made of very great stones : betweene 





Fire from 

'No peace to the 

Mounts and 

these wals was one of the two fourth parts of the House, 
on which the fire from Heaven fell downe within these 
few yeares, and consumed it : and with the blowes of the 
stones which fell downe many verie great Houses were 
broken downe to the ground (as sometimes I beheld my 
selfe) and they remayned with many signes of fire on them. 
They say, that when this fire fell from Heaven, the King 
commanded his Sonne to kneele downe, and beseech The 
Heaven to be mercifull unto him, for he himselfc was too 
wicked, and that the Heaven would not heare him. 
Within these wals are many Lodgings of the greatest 
Eunuches, who like Fellowes of Colledges live many in 
one House, everie one having his private ChsLtohcr. 
Heere betweene these wals are Mounts and Groves and 
other recreations whither the King repaireth to recreate 
himselfe. And the space of these wals is very great, for 
when I went to the Palace to teach the Eunuches which 
were in that place to trimme the Clocke, I passed before I 
came to their Lodging eight great Palaces, and on the 
other side there were many more. The Lodgings of the 
Eunuches usually are low and bad, for the Kings Servants, 
yet very necessarie. 

Next after this followeth the third wal, where the King 
dwelleth, with his Wives and Children, and those which 
where his neerest servants, whereinto no man entreth but 
they. And therfore albeit I have heard that it is a very 
beautiful thing & very much worth the seeing, as in very 
deed it sheweth to be : yet I cannot give any Relation cf 
any thing concerning the same in particular. Only this 
I say, that when I was in the House of the Eunuches that 
were the Mathematicians, I went sometimes up into a 
Towre, fi-om whence I might see the tops of the Houses, 
the Groves, and Orchards, and me thought that I never 
in my life saw so great a fi-ame of Building, although I 
have seene many in mine owne Countrie. And therefore 
[III. ii. 379.] there are alwaies a great number of Officers of all Offices, 
some making new Buildings, and others repayring the old. 
The King never goeth abroad, especially this King, and 



King a home 


his Ancestors some one time and no more, unto a Temple 
which they have builded to The Heaven, and the Earth, 
where everie yeare they ofFer Sacrifice. And therefore I 
know not with what pompe hee goeth abroad : But like as 
in his service he hath no men of qualitie, it cannot bee 
such as our Kings use in their going to Church. 

There is a barbarous custome among the Kings, that 
when the Prince is advanced to the Kingdome, within a 
short time after, all the rest of the old Kings Sonnes are to 
depart out of the House to certaine places appointed for 
them, which unto the third Generation are served like 
Kings, but they never come more in the presence of their 
Father, Mother, nor elder Brother : and therefore there is 
great lamentations of their Mothers at their departure. 
The Posteritie of these doe alwaies remayne as Kinsmen, 
and with the name of the Kings Kinsmen. To all these 
(which are very many) the King giveth sufficient mayn- 
tenance, which is no great matter. They never beare 
Office ; and deale with other people, and marrie with them, 
without doing themselves much good or none at all in 
being the Kings Kinsmen, nor purchase any speciall 
authoritie thereby. Other Kinsfolkes of the King, 
married with the Sisters, Daughters, or Cousins of the 
King, or Queene, although they have sufficient to live 
upon, yet have they exceeding small authoritie, and 
haughtinesse. And herein, nor in any thing may they 
compare with the Mandarins. 

Here came to visit us one married with the Sister of 
this King that is now, in a Chaire with three or foure 
Boyes to wait on him. Another came oftentimes married 
with the Sister of the Wife of the Prince that is to inherit, 
on Horse-backe with one Boy only attending on him; 
and hee entreth into the Examinations that hee may 
proceed Doctor and become a Mandarin : So litle is the 
benefit that groweth unto them by the Consanguinity or 
Affinity of the King which are joyned unto him thereby. 

Here the time laileth me, though neither matter, nor 
desire to give contentment to your Worship, and the rest 



Temple of 
Heaven and 

usage of the 


Affinitie and 
guinities littli 




of my most deare Fathers and Brethren, neither doth nor 
shall ever faile me. And therefore if I shall understand, 
that they take this in good worth, I will give Relation of 
that which shall fall out here by the helpe and grace of 
our Lord, to whom I humbly beseech all of them to 
commend mee. 
Maps of I send here withall two Maps of this Kingdome of 
China China, which came to my hand after I had written this 
Letter, and Relation. I sought to translate all that which 
is contayned in the China Letters ; which is all the Rent 
which every one of these Provinces payeth to the King of 
China ; and to make a description of all the Houses which 
everie Province hath, and how many people, and many 
things else : But your Worship may beleeve that by na 
meanes I had leysure : and therefore I send you only the 
figure, and another yeare (if it please our Lord God) I will 
send you the same with the declaration thereof. 

All the rundles and squares which are therein are Cities^ 
or Fortresses of many Inhabitants, both of them walled 
about. There is no Towne here set downe that it is not 
walled : the others are many more. 

The Rivers are well distinguished. The great lines arc 
the limits of the Provinces : the other small lines, and of 
little circuit are the Jurisdictions of some one principall 

We print here another Map of all the World of our 
manner with Chinish Letters, which because wee want 
time to declare the Letters, I send not till the next yeare, 
which then we will send if our Lord grant us life. 

I send you many other Papers, that your Worships may 
see the fashion of the Letters of these people of China, 
and what Characters wee committed to memorie. From 
Paquin, beeing the Court and Royall Citie of the King of 
China, the ninth of March, 1602. 





Chap. VII. [III. ii. 380.] 

A Discourse of the Kingdome of China, taken 
out of Ricius and Trigautius, contayning the 
Countrey, People, Government, Religion, Rites, 
Sects, Characters, Studies, Arts, Acts ; and a 
Map of China added, drawne out of one there 
made with Annotations for the understanding 

§. I. 

Of the Name, Scite, and Greatnesse ; the Tribu- 
taries, Commoditie, Arts, Printing, Seales, Inke, 
Pencill-pennes and Fannes. 

His utmost Empire in the East, hath beene Here in the 
made knowne to Europe by divers appel- author begins 
lations, as that of Ptolemey, Sina; that V'/''^*,^' 
later of Marcus Paulus the Venetian, Jpj^^^^ j^f 
Cathay; and that most usuall received divers names 
from the Portugals, which call it China. oftHs 
I doubt not also that this is the Region ^^^g^^e. 
of the Hippophagi, or Hors-eaters, a meat there as 
common as Beefe here: as also that this is the Region 
Serica or Silken; forasmuch as there is no Kingdome of 
the East where Silke is found in that quantitie : and the 
Portugals ship it thence for Japon, and all India; the 
Spaniards also of the Philippina Ilands, fraight their ships 
therewith for all the American World. Moreover, I find 
in the China Chronicles that this Silke-worke was there 
two thousand six hundred thirtie six yeares before the 
Birth of Christ : whence it passed to the rest of Asia, to 
our Europe and to Africa. But in this varietie nothing 
seemes so strange to me, as that all these names are so 
strange to them, not knowne or once heard of, although 
the change of names be not strange to that Countrey. 
For as often as the Empire passeth from one Family to 




The China 
custome of 
names l^ yet 
this name 
China, Sina, 
or Cathay, 
unknoume to 

Conceit of the 
Earths forme. 

The Kings 

Largenesse of 
the Kingdome 
of China. 


another, according to the vicissitude of humane AflFaires : 
He which attayneth the Throne, imposeth a name at his 
pleasure. So hath it beene sometimes called Than (which 
signifieth exceedingly large) another while Yu, that is. 
Rest; after that successively Hia, or Great; Sdam, 
Adorned; Cheu, Perfect; Han, The Milkie way in 
Heaven, &c. And since this Family, called Ciu, which 
now holdeth the Sovereigntie, hath reigned, it is called 
Min, which intimateth Splendour, and by usuall addition 
of one syllable Ta-min, that is, the Kingdome of Great 
Splendour, Brightnesse or Glory. Yet doe few of their 
Neighbour Nations observe these changes of Names, 
whereby each of them almost, stile it by severall appella- 
tions. Those of Cocin, Cauchin-china, and the Siamites 
call it Ciu ; the Japanders, Than ; the Tartars, Han ; the 
Westerne Saracens, Catay. Also amongst the Chinois 
themselves, besides that arbitrary name so imposed by 
their Kings, it hath some common to all Ages. Such are 
Ciumquo, that is, the Kingdome; and Chiumhoa, which 
signifieth a Garden, a name arising from their Geography, 
beleeving indeed the roundnesse of the Heaven, but a 
squarenesse of the Earth, and their Kingdome in the 
midst thereof, a conceit growne out of conceit now, by 
better instruction of the Jesuits. 

Their King is called Lord of the World, and they 
supposed accordingly that their Kingdome contayned the 
principall part thereof ; not deeming the Neighbour King- 
domes worthy to bee called Kingdomes, which yet before 
their Commerce with Europeans were all they knew. And 
not unworthily is the name Great prefixed to their King- 
domes appellation, beeing the greatest Kingdome in the 
World, which at this day carrieth One Name, or hath done 
in former times. For Southward it beginneth in the 
nineteenth degree, at the He which they caB Hainam, that 
is, the South-Sea, and runneth into the North to the two 
& fortieth, even to those wals which divide the Chinois 
from the Tartars. The longitude beginneth from the one 
hundred and twelfth (reckoning from the Canaries) in the 



Province Yunan, and extends East-ward to the Sea in 
one hundred thirtie two. These Dimensions wee have 
observed in divers places of the Kingdome where we have 
passed, by Astrolabes and other Mathematicall Instru- 
ments: adding also the observation of Eclipses in their 
Almanacks, where the Moones Change and Full are justly 
described, and specially by authoritie of Cosmographicall 
Plaines. Yet if others which shall come after us shall 
more exactly observe the longitude (which I dare say will 
be no great matter) I shall not unwillingly yeeld. Hence 
may be observed that this ample Kingdome is for the most 
part within the temperate Zone; neither doth it extend The temperate 
so farre North-ward as some Maps have described by many ^^»»^^- 
degrees. And lest any should thinke that some great 
parts of so large a Dominion be desert, I will here trans- [III. ii. 381.] 
late out of a China booke entituled. The Description of 
that Kingdome, there printed, 1579. that which followeth. 
In the Kingdome (of China) there are two Provinces 
Royall, Nanquin the Southerne Court, and Pequin the 
Northerne, and thirteene others. In these fifteene Pro- 
vinces (you might call them Kingdomes) by another 
division are numbred one hundred fiftie eight Regions or 
lesse Provinces, called by them Fu; the most of which 
have twelve or fifteene Cities of reasonable quantitie, 
besides Villages, Hamlets, Castles and Townes. In these 
Provinces are two hundred fortie seven greater Cities, 
called Cheu (howbeit sometimes distinguished from other 
Cities rather in dignitie then largenesse) of vulgar Cities, 
which they call Hien, 11 52. Of men growne to ripe 
age, which pay tribute or poll money to the King, were 
then fiftie and eight millions, five hundred fiftie thousand, 
801. In all which the female sexe is not reckoned: and 
of the Masculine are omitted, Boyes, Youths, Eunuchs^ 
Souldiers, the Royall kindred. Magistrates, Students, and 
very many others. And of the Souldiers, although there ^ 
be a Supine peace (except some Tartarian assault some- ^^^'^ 
times) there are mamtamed m the Kmgs pay, and in the Map and 
perpetuall Armes, above ten * hundred thousand. For the notes, 




three Northern Provinces are almost halfe in pay. In that 
booke are numbred Kingdomes adjoyning to that of China 
and tributarie ; to the East three, to the West fiftie three, 
to the South fiftie five, to the North three. Yet I observe 
that nothing so many doe in these dayes pay tribute, and 
those which doe, carry more fi-om China, then they bring 
thither : and therefore the Chinois care not much whether 
they continue loyall or no. 

To the worth of this Kingdome, may bee added, the 
fortification by Nature or Art round about it. To the 
South and East, the Sea washeth it, and so many Ilands 
guard it, that hardly can a Fleet of Ships approach the 
Continent. To the North, steepe praecipices are joyncd 
together, with a continued Tract of 405. leagues, and 
exclude the Tartars assaults. To the North-west is 2 
sandy desart of many dayes journey, which prohibite 
passage of an Armie, or minace their burialls. The South- 
west hath great Mountaines and little Kingdomes to {Mo- 
vent feare on that side. 
Chap. 2. From this largenesse of Territories proceeds such 

The cm- diversified varietie of things growing in that Kingdome, 
^tnna some in the torrid, others in the colder or in the temperate 
Zones : whatsoever is required to the necessitie or delicade 
of food or raiment being there naturall, nothing being here 
in Europe but either is there, or a better supply : Wheat, 
Barley, Panike, and other Corne; Rice, Pulse (in some 
Frmts ofaU Provinces two or three harvests yeerely) fruits and Apples 
sorts, of the best (Nuts and Almonds excepted) Figs and others 

unknowne in our world, as the Licyas and the Longanas 
in Canton Province onely ; the Sucusina or China Kgge, 
or Apple so called, because they may dry it as they do 
Figs, & liker to a Peach red, without hoarinesse or stone : 
in Oranges, Citrons, Limons they exceed all places. So 
doe they in goodnesse and varietie of Gardens, Herbs, as 
being there much used, some for religion, others for 
povertie eating nothing else. Flowers have there taken 
up their bowers, admirably varied, more respected fo* 
sight then sent; the Art of distilling sweet-waters being 



there unheard of. In the foure Southerne Provinces grow 
Betre or Betele leafe, and the tree Arequa or Arequeira, 
so much used in India, and chewed all day long for their 
stomacke and teeth. Sesame Oile is both odoriferous and 
plentifull. Wine is not there so good as in Europe (the 
Grape being neither plesant nor frequent) made of Rice 
and other things. 

Hogs-flesh is common food : they have Buff alls, Flesh fir fioik 
Muttons, Goats-flesh ; Hennes, Duckes, Geese, innumer- 
able : Horses also. Asses, Mules, and Dogs-flesh are food, 
and shamble commodities. In some places superstition 
abstaineth from Beefe and Buffalls, Venison, especially red 
Deere, Hare, and divers domestick creatures are common ; 
all cheape. Their Horses and Beasts of labour are not so 
goodly as in Europe, but more in number, and therefore 
in cheapnesse. The whole Kingdome is very commodious 
for passage by Rivers both naturall and hand-made: Passages hy 
whence the number and kindes of shipping is incredible ; v^ater. 
insomuch that a moderne Writer hath averred, that there 
are as many which keepe on the waters as on the land; 
an Hyperbole, yet not so exceeding the truth to such as 
saile these Rivers, as may bee seene to others. I am of 
opinion, that there are as many Ships in this Kingdome, ^tore of ship- 
as are in all the world beside in fresh-waters ; for their Sea- pingandwau 
shipping is fewer and not comparable with ours. But to ^«'^^'- 
returne to their Horses, the Chinois know not how to 
manage and breake them but by gelding; so that their 
Horses for service are innumerable, but so unserviceable, Hones. 
that they will not indure the neighing of the Tartarian 
Horse without flight. They shooe them not with Iron, 
so that in rockie and hard wayes they faile. 

Besides the Seas plentie of Fish and Rivers, they are Fish. 
stored also in Lakes, seeming for their depths and large- 
nesse petie Seas. They have more store of Fish-ponds 
also, then in these parts, whence the Market is daily 
furnished. Their Woods have no Lions, but store of WiUU beasts. 
Tigers, Beares, Woolves, Foxes. Elephants there are not, 
but for pompe some kept at the Court in Pequin, brought 




)ale of cloth, 
III. ii. 382 





from other places. Flaxe they have not, but are supplied 
with abundance of Cotton, the seed whereof was brought 
thither foure hundred yeeres since, and hath so liked the 
soyle, that the whole world, as may seeme thence might 
have sufficient. Of Silke-workes wee say no more. Of 
Hempe, and of some other Herbs, they make many 
.] clothes, especially for Summer use. They milke not their 
Sheepe ; they sheare them, yet make no cloth of the Wooll 
(notwithstanding, woollen-clothes brought thither by 
Merchants is well sold) but light Simimer clothes for 
blankets and other sleight uses. The North parts, though 
neerer the Sunne then some Regions in Europe, are colder, 
the great rivers and lakes frozen over, of which we can 
give no reason, but the neighbouring Mountaines of 
Tartaria: against which they are furnished with choice 

All sorts of metalls are there found. They make 
besides Brasse and Copper, another shining like Silver, as 
cheape as the yellow Brasse. Of molten Iron they make 
Kettles, Caldrons, Bells, Mortars, Ordnance, and other 
things. Their Gold is cheaper then with us. Silver they 
use for money, distinguished not by stampe but weight, 
in all bargaining using the ballance, which is made the 
more incommodious tor the differing goodnesse of the 
Silver, and frequent allay and fraud. In some places are 
Brasse farthings. Plate and Gold vessells are used by the 
greater, but nothing so much as in these parts. The 
women spend much Gold and Silver in their head-tires. 
The vulgar use earthen dishes, called, I know not why, 
porcellane ; the best whereof is made in the Kiamsin Pro- 
vince of a yellow earth. It endureth without riving hot 
meates, yea as woodden dishes here with a wyre, they sowe 
the rifts and make them hold liquor. They make Glasse, 
but therein are short of the Europeans. 

Their houses are of Timber commonly, even the Kings 
Palaces, the walls which serve for partitions of roomes 
being sometimes of Bricke, but the roofe sustained by 
Timbers : which together with their shipping argues their 



plentie of trees. Oakes are rare, but supplied with a hard 
and everlasting wood with them used for coffins, in which 
their curiositie will sometimes spend a thousand Duckets. 
There is also store of a kinde of reed, which the Portugalls 
call Bambu, of almost Iron hardnesse, the roundnesse 
scarcely compassed with both hands, and serves for smaller 
posts ; the lesser of them for Launces and other uses. For 
fire they use Wood, Coles, Reeds, Straw, and a bituminous 
substance called Mui (a kinde of Mine-cole or Sea-cole) 
which is most and best in the North, digged out of the 

Of medicinable herbs they have divers, specially 
Rhubarbe, sold for tenne halfe pence the pound : China 
Wood, or holy Wood growing in desarts naturally, and 
thence taken for no other price but the labour : Muske ; 
Salt both made of Sea-waters, and of others easily in the 
Continent ; Sugar more common there then Hony, though 
both plentifuU : Waxe both of Bees, and another whiter 
and burning better made by certaine wormes, which there- 
fore are novirished in trees ; another also made of a certaine 
fruit : Their paper is not so during as ours, nor can endure 
the presse on both sides. 

I omit their parti-coloured Marbles, their gems, colours 
for paintings, odoriferous Woods, &c. I cannot passe by 
some rarities; as their shrub whence they make their 
drinke Cia. They gather the leaves in the Spring, and 
dry them in the shadow, and keepe it for daily decoction, 
using it at meates, and as often as any guest comes to 
their house, yea twice or thrice, if hee make any tarrying. 
They sup it hot, bitterish to the palate, but wholesome : 
not of ancient use, for they have no ancient Character in 
their bookes for it. The Japanders pay deare for it, ten 
or twelve Duckets a pound for the best, and use it other- 
wise, putting the poulder of the leafe to hot water, as 
much as two or three spoonefulls: the Chinois put the 
leaves themselves into the hot water, which they drinke, 
leaving the leaves behinde. They have also a bituminous 
substance like milke, strained out of the barke of a tree, 


Hard Timber 
and Reeds, 





Sa/t, Sugar. 


Their drinke 
Cha, Chiay or 





Samiaracha, a of pitchv cleaving, whence they make Sandaracha, a 
rich Varnish, varnish tor their houses and houshold, ships, and other 
things : yeelding a smooth touch to the hand and glassie 
splendour to the eye with long continuance. Thxis can 
they more then counterfeit the colours of any wood, and 
hereby are provided against provisions of Napery, this 
serving for Table linnen ; thev recovering any greasie con- 
tagion with a little rinsing of water. They have an Oyk 
also pressed from an apple not unlike it in use, but not so 
Spices, They have Cinamon and Ginger growing. Pepper and 

other Spices are brought from other parts. They have 
store of Gun-powder, not so much for Artillerie (which 
they can use but meanely) as for Fire-works in pompous 
spectacles, thereby representing, Trees, Fruits, Battels, and 
other things with great Art and cost. We saw at Nan- 
quin, in the first moneth of the yeere, as much this way 
spent as would have served a continued fight two veeres. 
Chap. 4. For Mechanicall Arts, they are not comparable to our 

^^ch'^ ^^*^ mens Architectvire, whether yee regard the beautie or con- 
^Thisisnottobe ^nuance of their buildings, they not so much as conceiving 
understood of OT crediting the stately magnificence or long durance ot 
Temples, ^c. some in these parts. They either make no foundation, or 
asmayappeare yerie sleight, and thinke a mans age to be age enough for 
Temp/7^i^c ^ house, and that scarcely without reparations: their 
houses being also of Timber, and where the walls arc 
Stone, they have Timbers to beare up the roofe, that the 
wall may easily be repaired or renewed without meddling 
with the support